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To cherish peace and friendly intercourse with all nations having correspondent dispositions; to maintain sincere neutrality toward belligerent nations; to prefer in all cases amicable discussion and reasonable accommodation of differences to a decision of them by an appeal to arms; to exclude foreign intrigues and foreign partialities, so degrading to all countries and so baneful to free ones; to foster a spirit of independence too just to invade the rights of others, too proud to surrender our own, too liberal to indulge unworthy prejudices ourselves and too elevated not to look down upon them in others; to hold the union of the States as the basis of their peace and happiness; to support the Constitution, which is the cement of the Union, as well in its limitations as in its authorities; to respect the rights and authorities reserved to the States and to the people as equally incorporated with and essential to the success of the general system; to avoid the slightest interference with the right of conscience or the functions of religion, so wisely exempted from civil jurisdiction; to preserve in their full energy the other salutary provisions in behalf of private and personal rights, and of the freedom of the press; to observe economy in public expenditures; to liberate the public resources by an honorable discharge of the public debts; to keep within the requisite limits a standing military force, always remembering that an armed and trained militia is the firmest bulwark of republics——that without standing armies their liberty can never be in danger, nor with large ones safe; to promote by authorized means improvements friendly to agriculture, to manufactures, and to external as well as internal commerce; to favor in like manner the advancement of science and the diffusion of information as the best aliment to true liberty; to carry on the benevolent plans which have been so meritoriously applied to the conversion of our aboriginal neighbors from the degradation and wretchedness of savage life to a participation of the improvements of which the human mind and manners are susceptible in a civilized state——as far as sentiments and intentions such as these can aid the fulfillment of my duty, they will be a resource which can not fail me.

我认为应珍视与所有志同道合的国家的和平相处和友好往来;对所有交战国则保持真诚的中立;在任何情况下,对分歧都应采取友善的协商和理智的调停,而不能诉诸武力加以解决;来自国外的种种阴谋诡计和对外国的偏袒不公,对任何国家来说都是卑下可鄙的,对自由国家则更是危害非浅,故应予以摒弃;要培育一种独立的精神,这种精神非常公正而不会侵犯他人的权利,非常自尊而不会放弃我们自己的权利,非常开明而不耽溺于我们自己毫无价值的偏见,非常高尚而必然鄙弃他人抱有的偏见;要把各州的团结作为我们和平与幸福的基础;要拥护作为联邦凝聚剂的宪法,不仅维护它的权威,而且遵从它的限制;要尊重保留给各州和保留给人民的各项权利和权力,这对整个制度的成功同样休戚相关和不可或缺;信仰的权利和总价的功能已然明智地排除在民事管辖的范围之外,故应避免加以丝毫的干涉;要维护旨在保障私人权利、人身权利和出版自由的其他有益规定的全部活力;政府开支要厉行节约;要通过光荣地清偿公债以调动公共资源;要把常备军事力量控制在必要的限度以内,应时刻牢记,一支训练有素的武装民兵便是所有共和国最坚强的堡垒,没有常备军,他们的自由决不至于陷入危险的境地,而庞大的武装则未必意味着安全;要采用合法的手段推动有利于农业制造业和国内外贸易的各项改进措施;要以同样方式支持科学的进步和知识的传播,此乃真正自由的最佳养份;要继续执行慈善计划,这些计划一直都在值得称道地实施,以改造我们的土著邻居,使他们摆脱野蛮生活的堕落和不幸,得以分享文明状态下人们在心灵和举止上所惯有的各种改善成果。以上种种想法和打算,只要有助于我完成使命,便是不会令我失望的一个源泉。

The paper consists of following contents:(1)starting with a historicalreview of the use-of-force,this paper reveals a paradoxical evolvementof the two trends in use-of-force,compares the absolutization andinfinity with controllability and finity of the use-of-force,and clarifiesnew characteristics of the use-of-force in post-Cold War era;(2)bysystematically analyzing the era background from the viewpoints ofeconomic globalization,political multipole,military high tech,national separatism and the hegemonism,the paper clarifies factorslimiting and stimulating the use-of-force;(3)by analyzing the lawbackground mainly from the viewpoint of international laws,the paperespecially centralizes the discussion on restrictions made by moderninternational laws on the use-of-force and their limits,dissects thechallenges brought up by the high tech war to international laws;(4)the use-of-force by UN and other regional international organization;(5)refuting the theory of"humanitarian intervention"advocated bythe USA and certain western countries,the paper expatiates the rightrelations between human rights and sovereignty,and demonstrates therightness of the sovereignties and UN;(6)the basic guidelines of theuse-of-force in the post-Cold War era.

分别从经济全球化、政治多极化、军事高技术化以及民族分离主义的泛滥、霸权主义的恶性膨胀等方面系统分析冷战后武力使用的时代背景,揭示出冷战后时代同时存在的限制、约束武力使用的因素,以及诱发、刺激武力使用的因素。(3)主要从国际法的角度分析武力使用的法律背景,着重探讨现代国际法对武力使用的规范和制约作用以及这种作用的有限性,同时剖析现代高技术战争对国际法提出的挑战。(4)主要探讨联合国以及区域性国际组织在冷战后使用武力的实践以及存在的问题。(5)驳斥以美国为首的某些西方国家所鼓吹的&人道主义干涉&论,阐述人权与主权的正确关系,论证主权国家和联合国并没有过时,不能用非人道手段解决人道主义问题。(6)系统提出了冷战后国家间使用武力应遵守的基本准则。

Between 1939 and 1945 it is estimated that more than two million people of non-German heritage volunteered to serve in the ranks of the German Armed Forces and the Armed-SS. The bulk of these volunteer forces came from Russia where more than one million served predominantly in the Wehrmacht. Opposed to the concept of communism and the oppression of Stalinist ideals, these people saw the advance of National Socialist Germany as a potential answer to their problems. Volunteer forces are often divided into those that came from Western Europe, the Baltic States, Russia and Central Asia. Equipped with standard German military uniforms, units were formed and integrated into the German Army, Air Force, and Navy. A large number also served in the Waffen-SS. Most units adopted sleeve insignia that identified their status as foreign volunteers. Some also utilized distinctive rank insignia that was patterned similar to that found within the Wehrmacht.

However, little information has been forthcoming on the helmets worn by these units and their members.u3co 6Ck [德意志军事社区 www.dyz3.com] 在1939-1945年间,估计有二百万的非德国人在德国的三军和党卫军中志愿服役,最为著名的是大多数将近一百万志愿来自于俄罗斯,反对共产主义和斯大林压迫的人员,这些人员认为德国国家社会主义的成功适应他们的理想,志愿兵常常分为为西欧、波罗的海、俄罗斯、亚洲,装备同德军一样的制服,在德军陆海空三军都有出现了相应的单位,在党卫军的服役的志愿兵数量被夸大了,许多单位采取袖标来识别其外国志愿兵的身份,一些也采取与众不同的类似德国国防军的军衔图案来标明身份,有一些文章关于德国志愿兵的书籍,但至少也有一些钢盔被外国志愿兵使用。

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