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The superpower that once saw its strategic role in the region as an "offshore balancer" has since the Gulf war of 1991 been very much onshore, with bases in the Persian Gulf and, for the time being still, a large army and air force in Iraq. America continues to have a vital interest in the region's oil and remains the chief armourer and presumed protector of Saudi Arabia and its GCC neighbours. Because America is also Israel's great defender, American policies have a sharp impact on all the Arab states affected by the Palestine conflict, on the fate of the Palestinians themselves and on the internal standing of regimes that are seen as American allies or dependants.

这个曾经将自己在该地区的战略角色定位为"离岸平衡手"的超级大国自1991年海湾战争之后,便已深深陷入其间,它在波斯湾设有基地,而且到目前为止依然在伊拉克驻有大量陆空部队;该地区的石油仍是美国重大利益之所在,它也继续扮演着沙特阿拉伯及其加入海湾合作委员会的邻国的首要军火提供者和假想中的保护者;又因为美国同时身兼以色列的主要保护者,因此美国的政策对于所有受巴勒斯坦冲突影响的阿拉伯国家、巴勒斯坦人自身的命运以及那些被视为美国盟友或依附者的政权的国内声望都有着强烈的影响。

But Jews too young to have watched Israel rout three Arab armies in six days in 1967 are less likely to see it as heroic, morally superior, in need of help, or even relevant."Israel in the Age of Eminem", a report written in 2003 for the Andrea and Charles Bronfman Philanthropies, a Jewish charity, concluded that "There is a distance and detachment between young American Jews and their Israeli cousins that does not exist among young American Arabs and has not existed in the American Jewish community until now."

但是那些过于年轻而未曾见过以色列人1967年在6天里就击溃三支阿拉伯大军的犹太人就不太可能认为其英勇、道德优越、需要帮助或是诸如此类。2003年为犹太人慈善团体"安德里亚与查尔斯·布隆夫曼慈善事业"( Andrea and Charles Bronfman Philanthropies )所撰写的一份报告总结说,"在年青美国犹太人与其以色列同胞之间存在着疏远和脱离,这在美国阿拉伯人中则不存在,在美国的犹太人社团中直到现在也不存在。"

What second is not clear is Minister of Internal Affairs takes supervises Syed Hamid to mention names Anwar to calumniate somebody to superiors to the US, has the Guozhen political figure to refer to him is US's puppet, seeks US's asylum.

第二件不明白的是内政部长拿督赛哈密指名道姓安华向美国打小报告,有国阵政治人物指他是美国的傀儡,寻求美国的庇护。

Our policy is derived from a larger view of global change.

美国的政策给予美国的历史上的美国角色。

It similarly opened up a lot of ports for commerce and for trade facilitation, but it also achieved a sense of extraterritoriality, the first ever, which meant that American citizens would be treated under U.S. law if they found themselves in trouble in China, which was quite unique and novel in those days, back when Ambassadors and Consuls General had enormous power over setting both trade policy for the United States, so on and so forth.

如同《南京条约》那样,《望厦条约》也开放了很多通商口岸,方便了贸易活动,而且还有史以来首次授予某种治外法权,也就是说,如果美国公民在中国与他国国民发生纷争,他们将根据美国法律得到处理,这在当时是一种非常独特和新奇的情况,当时,驻外大使和总领事对确定美国的贸易政策等等握有巨大的权力。

Part five analyze the "separatism from America" road and draw the conclusion: on one hand, Marcus Garvey's separatism road was the product of the Afro—American's hard lives; on the other hand, it wouldn't come into reality under the circumstance of his days.

第五部分:以加维的"脱离美国"道路为中心,从其客观环境和可行性两个角度进行分析,得出结论:加维的"脱离美国"的道路虽然是当时美国黑人艰难处境的产物,但在当时的条件下是无法实施的,不能从根本上解决美国黑人问题。

Some people point out that chinese know more about the states than the states know about china, in addition to a superpower the states is , some people think that the states has become more and more conservative and hold a defend,suspicion and unsafety attitude toward the rest of the world.which deline the communication between americal people and people of other countries.

有人说,美国人对中国的了解远远比不上中国人对美国的了解。排除美国是世界上最强大的发达国家的因素,有人认为,美国近十年来越来越保守了,对周围世界的戒备、疑虑、不安全感,大大减少了美国人与世界各国的直接交流。

Already during the Clinton years, American economic hegemony had generated enormous hostility to an American-dominated process of globalization, frequently on the part of close democratic allies who thought the United States was seeking to impose its antistatist social model on them.

还是在克林顿时期,美国的经济霸权就已经引发了其它国家对于由美国主导的全球化进程巨大的敌意,而且持有这种敌意的还经常是身为美国亲密盟友的一些民主国家,后者担心美国在试图把它反对中央集权的社会模式强加给他们。

On this occasion, the crime is unarguably monstrous and was committed on America's soil. Even so, China would not be alone in having qualms about giving its wholehearted backing to the unbridled use of America's massive military might to exact retribution.

在这个问题上,这种罪行是不可辩驳的极端恐怖的行为而且是发生在美国的国土上,即使如此,中国和其他的国家在全心全意支持美国的同时,面对美国请求为报复这一次恐怖行为的大肆使用美国的大规模军事武器也会心存疑虑。

If United Nations can't stop the United States makes use of the mighty military in oneself real strenght proceeds the military blackmails, if United Nations can't obstruct the United States to Iraq of the war acts, if United Nations can't the 惩 punish the United States to the Iraq innocent and plebeian butchery behavior, so United Nations lost his fair and legitimacy, United Nations not at can take the letter in world many small countries, United Nations will be the puppet of the United States, United Nations an empty shelf.

如果联合国无法制止美国利用自己强大的军事实力进行军事讹诈,如果联合国无法阻止美国对伊拉克的战争行动,如果联合国不能惩罚美国对伊拉克无辜平民的屠杀行为,那么联合国就失去了他的公正性与合法性,联合国不在能取信于世界诸多的小国,联合国将是美国的傀儡,联合国就成了个空架子。

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