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His writings are not very voluminous, being either controversial theology or apologetic memoirs of his own troubles, but their theological and historical value is enormous, on account of the leading part taken by this truly great man in the fifty years of fight with Arianism.

他的作品并不十分浩繁,正在或者有争议的神学或道歉的回忆录中自己的麻烦,但他们的神学和历史价值是巨大的,考虑到部分的领导所采取的这一真正伟大的人在50年的斗争与

England produced several that won lasting honour for their scholarly defence of fundamental Christian truths -- Lardner, author of the "Credibility of the Gospel History", in twelve volumes (1741-55); Butler, likewise famous for his "Analogy of Religion Natural and Revealed to the Constitution of Nature"(1736); Campbell, who in his "Dissertation on Miracles"(1766) gave a masterly answer to Hume's arguments against miracles; and Paley, whose "Evidences of Christianity"(1794) and "Natural Theology"(1802) are among the classics of English theological literature.

英格兰若干赢得持久的荣誉,其学术辩护的根本基督教真理-l ardner,作者的"可信性的福音史",在1 2卷( 1 741年至1 755年);巴特勒,同样闻名他的"的比喻宗教自然并透露,以宪法的性质"( 1736 );坎贝尔,他在其"论文的奇迹"( 1766 )进行了巧妙的回答休谟的论据反对奇迹;的Paley ,"证据的基督教信仰"( 1794 )和"自然神学"( 1802 )是其中经典的英语神学文献。

The history of Probabilism is given under this title, suffice it to say here that from the middle of the seventeenth century when the violent discussion of this question begins, the development of moral theology coincides with that of Probabilism and of other Probabilistic systems; although these systems touch only a small portion of morals and of moral truths and nothing is farther from the truth than the opinion, so wide-spread among the adversaries of Catholic morals, that Probabilism gave a new shape and a new spirit to the whole of moral theology.

历史的或然论是根据本书名,只需在这里说,从中间17世纪的暴力时讨论这一问题开始,发展相吻合的道德神学与然论和其他概率系统;尽管这些系统只涉及一小部分的道德和道义上的真理,什麼是大吉比认为,这样广泛的对手之间的天主教道德,即然论提供了新的形态和新的精神对整个道德神学。

If there is question of a purely scientific explanation of moral theology which does not intend to exceed the limits of speculation, then the casuistical element is without doubt speculative, systematic discussion of the questions belonging to moral theology; casuistry then serves only to illustrate the theoretical explanations.

如果有问题,一个纯粹的科学解释的道德神学这并不打算超过限额的猜测,然后诡辩的因素是毫无疑问的投机性,系统性讨论的问题属於道德神学;诡辩然后只能说明理论解释。

The Apostolic See itself, or rather the Sacred Penitentiary, when asked,"Whether a professor of moral theology may quietly follow and teach the opinions which St. Alphonsus Liguori teaches in his Moral Theology", gave indeed an affirmative answer on 5 July, 1831; it added, however,"but those must not be reprehended who defend other opinions supported by the authority of reliable doctors".

使徒见本身,还是神圣感化,当被问及&,无论是教授的道德神学可能会悄悄地跟踪和教授的意见街阿利顾理教授在他的道德神学&了确实是一个肯定的回答关於1831年7月5日它补充说,不过,但这些绝不能reprehended谁保卫其他意见支持的权威,可靠的医生。

The Apostolic See itself, or rather the Sacred Penitentiary, when asked,"Whether a professor of moral theology may quietly follow and teach the opinions which St. Alphonsus Liguori teaches in his Moral Theology", gave indeed an affirmative answer on 5 July, 1831; it added, however,"but those must not be reprehended who defend other opinions supported by the authority of reliable doctors".

使徒见本身,或者更确切地说,神圣的监狱,当被问到&是否一位教授的道德神学可能悄悄跟随,并教意见,其中圣阿方liguori任教,在他的道德神学&,让确实是一个肯定的回答,对1831年7月5日它补充说,不过&,但这些决不能指责谁保卫其他意见,支持的权威可靠的医生&。

A few historians have attempted to find evidence of a ravenous Puritan land hunger in the rhetoric of Puritan theology, but the evidence presented in support of such a view appears to consist for the most part of theological generalizations---in many cases uttered by Puritan leaders before embarking for the New World---concerning the holiness of their venture and their certainty that God had laid aside for them the lands necessary for the fulfillment.

一些史学家试图找到一个贪婪清教徒清教徒神学中的修辞土地饥饿的证据,但在这种观点的支持提出的证据似乎包含了大部分的神学概括---在许多情况下说出的清教徒新世界前开始领导人---关于其创业圣洁的神和他们的肯定,奠定了他们的土地预留为履行必要的。

Assimilation of this new learning took place in the universities of the 13th century through the genius of the Dominicans Saint Albertus Magnus and his great pupil Thomas Aquinas, whose Summa Theologicae is widely regarded as the pinnacle of scholastic theology; and of the Franciscans Saint Bonaventure, John Duns Scotus, and William of Occam (early 14th century), who challenged the Dominican school.

同化这一新的学习发生在大学的13世纪通过的天才多米尼加圣艾伯塔斯Magnus和他的伟大的学生托马斯阿奎那的神学Theologicae被广泛认为是巅峰学习神学;和圣方济文德,约翰邓司各脱,并奥卡姆的威廉( 14世纪初),谁挑战多米尼加学校。

The fifteenth and sixteenth centuries saw Thomism in a triumphal march which led to the crowning of St. Thomas as the Prince of Theologians, when his Summa was laid beside the Sacred Scriptures at the Council of Trent, and St. Pius V, in 1567, proclaimed him a Doctor of the Universal Church.

在第十五届和第十六世纪Thomism看到在凯旋游行导致至高无上的圣托马斯的神学王子,当他的神学奠定旁边的神圣圣经在安理会的遄达,和圣皮乌斯五,在1567年宣布他的博士普世教会。

This article uses the poems written by Samuel Taylor Coleridge (1772-1834), an important Romantic theologian in the history of European Christian thoughts and one of the Lake Poets key figures, as examples to discuss the relationship between Passive Romantic and Aesthetic Theology. It tries to explain this topic by analyzing the countless ties existing between Passive Romanticism and Western Christian Theological Aesthetic, both in style as well as in substantial contents.

本文以欧洲基督教思想史上的浪漫主义神学家、英国&湖畔诗人&的重要代表人物柯勒律治的诗歌及相关作品为例,从不同的角度分析消极浪漫与神学美学的关联,并由此提出:消极浪漫主义与西方基督教神学美学无论在其表现形态、内容构成,还是所蕴涵的内核上,都有着千丝万缕的关联。

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