神

The God of Abraham and the God of Nahor, the God of their father, judge between us.

31：53 但愿亚伯拉罕的神和拿鹤的神，就是他们父亲的神，在你我中间判断。

May the God of Abraham and the God of Nahor, the God of their father, be our judge.

31：53 但愿亚伯拉罕的神和拿鹤的神，就是他们父亲的神，在你我中间判断。

The God of Abraham, and the God of Nahor, the God of their father, judge betwixt us.

创31：53 但愿亚伯拉罕的神、和拿鹤的神、就是他们父亲的神、在你我中间判断。

53 May the God of Abraham and the God of Nahor, the God of their father, judge between us.

31：53 但愿亚伯拉罕的神、和拿鹤的神、就是他们父亲的神、在你我中间判断。

"The God of Abraham and the God of Nahor, the God of their father, judge between us."

创31：53 但愿亚伯拉罕的神、和拿鹤的神、就是他们父亲的神、在你我中间判断。

MASTER: While striving for the realization of God, the aspirant has to practise renunciation, applying the logic of 'Neti, neti'-'Not this, not this', But after attaining the vision of God, he realizes that God alone has become all things.

师父：&为觉悟神而奋斗的时候，求道者不得不实践弃绝，还运用'不是这，不是那'的逻辑，但是得到了神的异像以后，他意识到神独一无二地成为了所有一切。&

It s not their original modes . Whith the development of human civilization , human society has evolved from matriarchal society to patrilineal society .

从人类文明的历史进程来看，人类社会经历了由母系社会到父系社会的演变过程，神话也经历了由女神神格向男神神格演化的历程。

God荼and Yu barrier is a specialized monitor Phantom of God, which found Phantom doings will be sent together with grass Shengkun feeding tiger, therefore, at that time, people during the holidays, we used two peachwood荼inscribed God, Yu Lei, or the like to write on the names of the couple, hanging in the door of the two sides, called Zhaofu, flooding disaster pressure to show evil.

神荼和郁垒是专门监察鬼怪的行为的神，发现哪个鬼怪为非作歹，便用草绳捆起来送去喂老虎，于是，那时候，人们每逢过年，便用两块桃木刻上神荼、郁垒的像或写上他俩的名字，挂在门的两边，叫做桃符，以示驱灾压邪。

This paper therefore examines the development of "the folklore Pai-Chang of Peking opera aria in Tainan city" through literature review depth-interview oral history and participant observation The concept frame is culture organism as the vertical axle and elements of a folklore activity as the transverse axle There are several significant findings about the general picture of this subject: During the late period of Japanese colonial era Tainan local people who played Peguan music learned Peking opera aria and tried to bring Peking opera aria into the folklore Pai-Chang which was one kind performance and traditional custom of Peguan music Some people who came from other places and played Peking opera aria had also known or learned "Pai-Chang" with touching Tainan local amateurs "Pai-Chang" used to be performed by amateurs for worship of god or goddess or for seasoning and wedding celebration without rewards Amateurs volunteered to perform "Pai-Chang" only for their duty temples and fraternity of Peking opera aria The majority of the audience is people who perform or like "Pai-Chang" or who live nearby There is a fixed pattern of the performance including the repertoire and the arrangement of the band The main meaning of this performace is to pray God's blessings therefore the procedure of "Ban-Hsian" is the most essential and ahead of Peking opera aria singing With time goes by the number of the amateurs has dropped; yet the demand for the worship ceremony remains; hence some of the amateurs have been trained to become professional performers Besides although the idea and the meaning of "Pai-Chang" remains the pattern of the performance has become simplified and rigid which is because of the performers' number decreasing and market adapting Nowadays the whole ecosystem of the folklore Pai-Chang of Peking opera aria in Tainan city keep changing which is mainly influenced by the transition of the society(such as the time and space of the industrial and commercial society being compressed and most people's pursuing of specialization and utilitarianism etc ) According to the findings in this paper the phenomenon can be regarded as the subject matter both of Peking opera and folklore studies For the studies of the Taiwanese culture however the subject not only enriches the subject matters of the Taiwanese culture(signifies the localization of Peking opera and a new pattern of Taiwanese folklore) but also reflects the characters of diversification integration adaptation and compromise of Taiwanese culture which used to be influenced by different regimes and the historical contexts Facing such a multicultural context this paper thus suggests researchers should show an open-minded attitude toward the complex of the Taiwanese culture studies and then important phenomenon would not be ignored or misunderstood

代表了什麼意义？对於上述疑惑，查既有研究成果，不消没有论述者，具体提即「京调排场」现象的可说没有，基於此，有必要对台南市及其周边之民俗性京调排场，不管是语汇来由或者其现象本身，做一番研究。本研究透过文献、访谈、口述史、参与观察等方法，以文化有机体之纵的发展概念为经，以民俗表演之横切面各主客要素为纬，试图先对此文化现象调查并推论出一概貌：台南市民俗性京调排场的形成，是在京调传入台南，台南本地北管子弟改习或兼习京调后，结合北管音乐文化所固有的排场表演型态及民俗演出传统，融合而成，形成时间至迟在日治晚期。而一些不同时期的外来京调人士(如原本生长於其他地区、后移住台湾的票友，和中国大陆琴师等等)，也曾透过与当地子弟的接触，而习得或知晓「排场」语汇以及本地京调排场习俗者。此项音乐民俗表演在过往多由业余子弟於神诞或民众婚俗做寿时，对其有义务或交陪的庙宇及子弟间做酬酢性的演出，不收报酬；聆赏者多是京调同好与邻近民众，也有少数路过者；演出模式包括节目安排、乐队编制皆有一定；表演意涵上以「扮仙」祈求神明赐福人间最为重要，因此排仙必不可少，且一定先於京调演唱。随著时间推移，京调排场表演活动的各要素都有变动，惟变迁速度不一，大体而言，业余表演者锐减，人们对酬神娱神节目的需求仍在，因此一些过往的业余表演者遂逐渐转型为职业表演者。此外，虽然表演意涵不变，但在职业表演人员少、又要适应市场的情况下，表演模式亦逐渐流於简化、僵化。目前京调排场整体生态仍在转变的过程中，而这种变化应与工商社会时间空间的被压缩、事事追求专业化与尼Q化等因素有关。再者，据此概貌，在结论部分厘清其意义、定位以及其对台湾文化研究之启示。台南市及其周边之民俗性京调排场现象，可视为京剧研究与民俗研究的一环，然而对於台湾文化研究，除了其题材本身标志了京剧的本土化与台湾民俗活动之新类型，进一步扩充整体台湾文化研究的内容外，更重要的是现象背后所反映的台湾文化的多元融合与妥协适应取向。台湾的海岛地理位置与长期被不同文化背景政权所殖民的历史，其文化自然容易随社会环境改变而弹性适应变迁，呈现多元纷呈、多重覆叠的特色，因此展望未来，从事台湾文化研究应秉除单一观点，保持一定程度之开放与客观胸襟，方不忽视或误识更多重要的文化现象。

They lacked the Calvinistic view of God's sovereignty over all of life and so preached what some call a "pietistic" Christianity, one that concentrates on my faith in God, my feelings, and my personal life, but has little to say about the transformation of all of society by God's word.

他们缺乏加尔文派所持「神之主权高於生活的一切」之观点，因此传讲某些人所称的「虔信派」基督教，专注在我对神的信心、我的感觉、及我的个人生活，但是很少提到神的话对整个社会的改造。

But we don't care about Battlegrounds.

但我们并不在乎沙场中的显露。

Ah! don't mention it, the butcher's shop is a horror.

啊！不用提了。提到肉，真是糟透了。