祖先

This study describes the multi-facet systematic evolution of the said rural community from 1907 to 2007: from the perspective of ethnic culture, it has changed from a single ethnic cultural community of Yoghur(Ethnic Yugur\'s self-name) ethnic group into a multi-ethnic cultural community with Yoghur ethnic group as the dominating majority and embracing the ethnic groups of Han, Tibetan, Tu, Mongolian and Kazak; from the perspective of language, it has changed from a community where Yoghur and Tibetan languages dominated with the local Chinese dialect and the written Chinese language as the subordinate into one where the local Chinese dialect and the written Chinese language dominate with the Yoghur language as the subordinate; in the perspective of marriage and heirship system, from a parallel operation of two systems (patrilineal heirship for official marriages and matrilineal heirship system for matrimonial forms through the head-wearing ceremony) to monogamy and patrilineal heirship; in the perspective of means of living, from animal husbandry complemented with hand knitting and camel caravan transporting to agricultural farming complemented with animal husbandry and many others; in the perspective of social organization, from a traditional tribe to a modern country society; in the perspective of political system and social management, from the customs-authority management which combined the dominating headman hereditary system under the tribal union of an imperial dynasty and the subordinating elite influence, to the resource-interest management of party-government departmental system under the ethnic minority autonomy of a nation state; in the perspective of religious faith, from a coexistence of the Gelug Tibetan Buddhism and Shamanism and the devout ancestor worship to the currently prevalent ancestor worship with religions declining and faith weakening; in the perspective of education, from the local-knowledge-oriented education to an official-knowledge-oriented education, in which modern schooling has become the major educational organization instead of the former traditional temple education; the school has replaced the temple as the "knowledge-culture" communication center; at least in the minds of the local people the central role of family education during the children\'s cultural development has also been replaced by schooling.

本研究描述了1907～2007年间，这个乡村社区的多面向的系统变迁：从族群文化的角度而言，从一个以尧乎尔为绝对主体的单一族群文化社区转变为一个以尧乎尔为主体的、有汉、藏、土、蒙古、哈萨克等组成的多元族群文化社区；从语言文字的角度而言，从一个以尧乎尔语和藏文为主，以汉语方言和汉文为辅的社区转变为一个以汉语方言和汉文为主，以尧乎尔语为辅的社区；从婚姻与继嗣制度的角度而言，从一个双系并行(明媒正娶婚行父系继嗣制度，帐房戴头婚行母系继嗣制度)的社区转变为行一夫一妻制和父系继嗣制度的社区；从生计方式的角度看，从一个以畜牧业生产为主，以手工编织和驼队运输为辅的社区转变为一个以农业为主，以牧业为辅的、多种生计方式并存的社区；从社会组织的形态而言，从一个传统部落社会转变为一个现代乡村社会；从政治制度和社会控制的角度而言，从帝制王朝的部落联盟制下头目世袭制为主，户族精英为辅的习俗—权威型控制方式转变为一个民族-国家中民族区域自治制度下以党政科层制的资源—利益型控制方式；从宗教信仰的角度而言，从一个格鲁派藏传佛教和萨满教并存，祖先崇拜之风甚烈的社区转变为寺庙衰落、信仰淡化、惟祖先崇拜仍广为流行的社区；从教育的角度而言，从一个以地方知识教育为主的社区转变为一个以官方知识教育为主的社区，现代学校教育取代了传统寺庙教育成为社区的主要教育组织形式，学校取代寺庙成为&知识—文化&传播的中心，在青少年儿童的文化成长过程中，家庭教养扮演的中心角色，至少在乡民的观念上被学校教育替代。

Concrete cotent:In foreword,The author introuduces the conceptional fixing about " Mongolian clans original legend "; domestic and overseas study situation ; the meaning of the study ; research purpose .In chapter 1, Mongolian clans original legend's content summary , motif variation.In chapter 2, The author investigates some problems about the wolf、 the deer 、 the catele 、 the swan 、 the owl and the tree ,which is involved Mongolian clans original legend , whether have relation to clan totemism or not.In chapter 3, The author investigates the key element of invariant content about the ancestor stems from " human " and " heaven " in Mongolian clans original legend .

具体内容为：导论：&蒙古族诸氏族起源传说&的概念界定、国内外研究状况、选题意义及研究目的；第一章：蒙古族诸氏族起源传说的内容概要、母题变异；第二章：蒙古族氏族起源传说中所涉及的狼、鹿、牛、天鹅、猫头鹰、树木与氏族图腾崇拜是否有关等诸问题探析；第三章：蒙古族氏族起源传说中祖先源于&人祖&、祖先源于&天&等变异内容要素探析。

The study also found genetic evidence for differences in ancestry within populations. For instance, some individuals from the Middle East, such as Palestinians, Druze, and Bedouins, had ancestors from the Middle East as well as Europe and parts of South and Central Asia.

研究也找到了不同人种其祖先差异的根据所在举例来说，有些来自中东的人比如巴勒斯坦人、居士（主要生活于以色列北部、黎巴嫩和叙利亚的一个民族）以及贝多因人等，他们的祖先就来自中东、欧洲以及南亚和中亚的部分地区。

Cladistic taxonomy stressed that the distances to co-ancestor were the only standard to measure kinship between species and popolation groups.

支序分类强调以共同祖先的近度作为衡量生物物种间和类群间亲缘关系的唯一标准，认为性状及性状状态反映类元的进化历史，只有在从祖先到后裔类群中的共同衍征，才是在系统归类中有价值的相似性。

Smilax, there are the phylogenetic relationships and distributive pattern to be found based on the combined ITS and maiK. tree: 1 a clade with the African species (S. kraussiana) and Australian species (S. australis), being a sister group; 2 a clade with the S. zeylanica of sect. Macranthae and S. bona-nox of sect. China, the former from Southeast Asia and latter native to US, showing they are a sister species which is disjunctive between Asia-North America, similar to the species pair of S. hispida and S. sieboldii; 3 S. perfoliata from Indonesia being sister to S. ocreata of China and S. megacarpa of Indonesia, which are very similar to each other in morphology; 4 the three species from China (S. lanceifolia, S. perfoliata and S. chapaensis) and S.ovalifolia from Indonesia showing a 87-92% bts monophyletic clade; 5 S.bracteata from China and two species of Indonesia (S. leucophylla and S. sp.) forming a clade in the ITS tree; 6 S.

通过比较研究圆锥花序组和穗菝葜组的地理分布，基于ITS及matK联合数据构建的系统树发现下列明显的具系统发育关系的类群及地理分布模式：1来自非洲的S.kraussiana和来自澳大利亚的S.australis是一对姐妹群，具有共同的祖先；2圆锥花序组的S.zeylanica和菝葜组的S.bona-nox形成一个紧密的分支，前者分布于东亚而后者只局限于美国，显示了一种类似于S.sieboldii和S.hispida那样的东亚—北美间断分布模式；3印度尼西亚的S.perfoliata是分布于中国的S.ocreata和来自印尼S.megacarpa的姐妹群，这三者在形态上也非常接近，表明具有共同祖先；4来自中国的三个种(S.lanceifolia，S.perfoliata and S.chapanensis)和来自印尼的S.ovalifolia形成了一个高支持率的单系分支(87-92％bts)；5基于ITS的系统树，来自中国的S.bracteata和来自印度尼西亚的两个种S.leucophylla and S.sp。

Let us study the law of nature; search into the spirit of the British Constitution; read the histories of ancient ages; contemplate the great examples of Greece and Rome; set before us the conduct of our own British ancestors, who have defended for us the inherent rights of mankind against foreign and domestic tyrants and usurpers, against arbitrary kings and cruel priests; in short, against the gates of earth and hell.

我们的祖先已经爲我们保卫了人类的固有权利，即反对国内外暴君和篡权者，反对专制国王和残酷的神父，总之，反对人间和地狱之门的权利。让我们阅读、回顾、铭记我们自己更直系的祖先在离开他们土生土长的国家，来到这凄凉的荒野时的意图和目的。

It relates again this fact to Li, some parts of which were enjoyed only by kings, suzerains or other nobles.

换句话说，只有他们才有资格通过这些礼仪来与上天或祖先交流，恳求上天或祖先宽恕。

She had no ancestors and thought people who had were snobs.

她没有荣耀的祖先，并认为有荣耀祖先的人都是些仗势欺人的人。

For the manner in which one's ancestors were traumatized is not necessarily comfortable to re-experience; and sometimes one literally re-experiences one's ancestral trauma for a time in the act of processing one's ascension.

因为这并不一定很舒服，来再次经历你祖先所受到创伤的方式；有时候，你会在处理提升的过程中，真正历经你祖先的创伤一段时间。

Following a trail of clues from the latest scientific research, Dr Alice Roberts re-traces the greatest ever journey taken by our ancestors. Thousands of years ago one small group of our species, Homo sapiens, crossed out of Africa and into the unknown. Their descendants faced baking deserts, sweat-soaked jungles and frozen wildernesses and risked everything on the vast empty ocean.

怀揣最新科学研究成果所昭示的线索， Alice Roberts博士重走了我们伟大祖先的光荣之路，数千年前，我们祖先的一支，现代智人，走出非洲大陆进入未知领域，他们的后代，走过炽热无边的沙漠，穿过茂密潮湿的雨林，越过贫瘠荒芜的冻土，不惜一切代价渡过烟波浩渺的海洋，最终创造出了灿烂辉煌的人类古代文明。

In the negative and interrogative forms, of course, this is identical to the non-emphatic forms.

。但是，在否定句或疑问句里，这种带有"do"的方法表达的效果却没有什么强调的意思。

Go down on one's knees;kneel down

屈膝跪下。。。下跪祈祷