没有限制的

To cherish peace and friendly intercourse with all nations having correspondent dispositions; to maintain sincere neutrality toward belligerent nations; to prefer in all cases amicable discussion and reasonable accommodation of differences to a decision of them by an appeal to arms; to exclude foreign intrigues and foreign partialities, so degrading to all countries and so baneful to free ones; to foster a spirit of independence too just to invade the rights of others, too proud to surrender our own, too liberal to indulge unworthy prejudices ourselves and too elevated not to look down upon them in others; to hold the union of the States as the basis of their peace and happiness; to support the Constitution, which is the cement of the Union, as well in its limitations as in its authorities; to respect the rights and authorities reserved to the States and to the people as equally incorporated with and essential to the success of the general system; to avoid the slightest interference with the right of conscience or the functions of religion, so wisely exempted from civil jurisdiction; to preserve in their full energy the other salutary provisions in behalf of private and personal rights, and of the freedom of the press; to observe economy in public expenditures; to liberate the public resources by an honorable discharge of the public debts; to keep within the requisite limits a standing military force, always remembering that an armed and trained militia is the firmest bulwark of republic that without standing armies their liberty can never be in danger, nor with large ones safe; to promote by authorized means improvements friendly to agriculture, to manufactures, and to external as well as internal commerce; to favor in like manner the advancement of science and the diffusion of information as the best aliment to true liberty; to carry on the benevolent plans which have been so meritoriously applied to the conversion of our aboriginal neighbors from the degradation, and wretchedness of savage life to a participation of the improvements of which the human mind and manners are susceptible in a civilized state, as far as sentiments, and intentions such as these can aid the fulfillment of my duty, they will be a resource with can not fail me.

珍惜和平以及同所有有交往意向的国家的友好交往；对交战各国保持真正中立；在任何情况下，优先考虑以友善的讨论和理性来处理异议，而非通过武力来做出决定；排除外国阴谋和外国偏颇，这些对所有国家都造成堕落，对自由国家更为有害；培养一种独立的精神，其之公正不会侵犯他人权利，其之自豪不会丢弃自身权利，其之宽大不使我们自己纵养不值的偏见，其之高尚使我们蔑视他人的这些偏见；把众州的联合保持为众州和平和幸福的基础，拥护作为联邦链结的宪法，不论是其限制或权力；尊重保留给各州和人民的权利，因为它的重要性把它平等地纳入联邦总体的成功之中；避免最轻微的对良知权利和宗教功能的干涉，这些在民事裁判中豁免；代表私人和个人的权利以及媒体自由，以其全部的能量来保留其它相关有益条款；在公共花费中坚持节约；通过偿还公共债务来解放公共资源；在必要的限度下保持一支常备军，时刻要记住武装并训练过的民兵才是共和国的中流砥柱，即是，没有常备军他们的自由从未有危险，而有了一支庞大军队也未必安全，通过授权的手段来发展有益于农业，制造业，对外和对内的商业，以适当的方式支持科学的发展和信息的传播来作为真正自由的最好食粮；执行善意的计划以把我们的土著邻居从，野蛮生活的低贱和不幸中转化到参加入一个文明国家内人的思维，和举止都倾向的改良中--只要如此的思想，和意图能辅助我职责的履行，它们将成为不使我失败的资本。

To cherish peace and friendly intercourse with all nations having correspondent dispositions; to maintain sincere neutrality toward belligerent nations; to prefer in all cases amicable discussion and reasonable accommodation of differences to a decision of them by an appeal to arms; to exclude foreign intrigues and foreign partialities, so degrading to all countries and so baneful to free ones; to foster a spirit of independence too just to invade the rights of others, too proud to surrender our own, too liberal to indulge unworthy prejudices ourselves and too elevated not to look down upon them in others; to hold the union of the States as the basis of their peace and happiness; to support the Constitution, which is the cement of the Union, as well in its limitations as in its authorities; to respect the rights and authorities reserved to the States and to the people as equally incorporated with and essential to the success of the general system; to avoid the slightest interference with the right of conscience or the functions of religion, so wisely exempted from civil jurisdiction; to preserve in their full energy the other salutary provisions in behalf of private and personal rights, and of the freedom of the press; to observe economy in public expenditures; to liberate the public resources by an honorable discharge of the public debts; to keep within the requisite limits a standing military force, always remembering that an armed and trained militia is the firmest bulwark of republics——that without standing armies their liberty can never be in danger, nor with large ones safe; to promote by authorized means improvements friendly to agriculture, to manufactures, and to external as well as internal commerce; to favor in like manner the advancement of science and the diffusion of information as the best aliment to true liberty; to carry on the benevolent plans which have been so meritoriously applied to the conversion of our aboriginal neighbors from the degradation and wretchedness of savage life to a participation of the improvements of which the human mind and manners are susceptible in a civilized state——as far as sentiments and intentions such as these can aid the fulfillment of my duty, they will be a resource which can not fail me.

我认为应珍视与所有志同道合的国家的和平相处和友好往来；对所有交战国则保持真诚的中立；在任何情况下，对分歧都应采取友善的协商和理智的调停，而不能诉诸武力加以解决；来自国外的种种阴谋诡计和对外国的偏袒不公，对任何国家来说都是卑下可鄙的，对自由国家则更是危害非浅，故应予以摒弃；要培育一种独立的精神，这种精神非常公正而不会侵犯他人的权利，非常自尊而不会放弃我们自己的权利，非常开明而不耽溺于我们自己毫无价值的偏见，非常高尚而必然鄙弃他人抱有的偏见；要把各州的团结作为我们和平与幸福的基础；要拥护作为联邦凝聚剂的宪法，不仅维护它的权威，而且遵从它的限制；要尊重保留给各州和保留给人民的各项权利和权力，这对整个制度的成功同样休戚相关和不可或缺；信仰的权利和总价的功能已然明智地排除在民事管辖的范围之外，故应避免加以丝毫的干涉；要维护旨在保障私人权利、人身权利和出版自由的其他有益规定的全部活力；政府开支要厉行节约；要通过光荣地清偿公债以调动公共资源；要把常备军事力量控制在必要的限度以内，应时刻牢记，一支训练有素的武装民兵便是所有共和国最坚强的堡垒，没有常备军，他们的自由决不至于陷入危险的境地，而庞大的武装则未必意味着安全；要采用合法的手段推动有利于农业制造业和国内外贸易的各项改进措施；要以同样方式支持科学的进步和知识的传播，此乃真正自由的最佳养份；要继续执行慈善计划，这些计划一直都在值得称道地实施，以改造我们的土著邻居，使他们摆脱野蛮生活的堕落和不幸，得以分享文明状态下人们在心灵和举止上所惯有的各种改善成果。以上种种想法和打算，只要有助于我完成使命，便是不会令我失望的一个源泉。

The paper consists of following contents:(1)starting with a historicalreview of the use-of-force,this paper reveals a paradoxical evolvementof the two trends in use-of-force,compares the absolutization andinfinity with controllability and finity of the use-of-force,and clarifiesnew characteristics of the use-of-force in post-Cold War era;(2)bysystematically analyzing the era background from the viewpoints ofeconomic globalization,political multipole,military high tech,national separatism and the hegemonism,the paper clarifies factorslimiting and stimulating the use-of-force;(3)by analyzing the lawbackground mainly from the viewpoint of international laws,the paperespecially centralizes the discussion on restrictions made by moderninternational laws on the use-of-force and their limits,dissects thechallenges brought up by the high tech war to international laws;(4)the use-of-force by UN and other regional international organization;(5)refuting the theory of"humanitarian intervention"advocated bythe USA and certain western countries,the paper expatiates the rightrelations between human rights and sovereignty,and demonstrates therightness of the sovereignties and UN;(6)the basic guidelines of theuse-of-force in the post-Cold War era.

分别从经济全球化、政治多极化、军事高技术化以及民族分离主义的泛滥、霸权主义的恶性膨胀等方面系统分析冷战后武力使用的时代背景，揭示出冷战后时代同时存在的限制、约束武力使用的因素，以及诱发、刺激武力使用的因素。（3）主要从国际法的角度分析武力使用的法律背景，着重探讨现代国际法对武力使用的规范和制约作用以及这种作用的有限性，同时剖析现代高技术战争对国际法提出的挑战。（4）主要探讨联合国以及区域性国际组织在冷战后使用武力的实践以及存在的问题。（5）驳斥以美国为首的某些西方国家所鼓吹的&人道主义干涉&论，阐述人权与主权的正确关系，论证主权国家和联合国并没有过时，不能用非人道手段解决人道主义问题。（6）系统提出了冷战后国家间使用武力应遵守的基本准则。

The split between the two groups can hardly be papered over.

这两个团体间的分歧难以掩饰。

This approach not only encourages a greater number of responses, but minimizes the likelihood of stale groupthink.

这种做法不仅鼓励了更多的反应，而且减少跟风的可能性。