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In short, up to 14th century, Anjou Parliament has became a political institution with regularly holding, reasonable structure and perfecting systems, and it has some financial powers, legislative power, judicial power and administration power, even in form with the major political functions such as impeaching the minister, deposing the King and changing the dynasty.

总之,14世纪时,安茹议会已经发展成为召开日趋正常化、组织不断完善化、制度初步健全化的政治机构,并且拥有一定的财政权、立法权、司法权与行政权,甚至在形式上具有弹劾大臣、废立国王与改朝换代等重大政治功能。

Developing the autonomous system of minority regions is an important part of political civilization which embraces rich meanings of it.

民族区域自治制度建设问题是我国社会主义政治文明的重要组成部分,其内涵丰富的政治文明意蕴。

In the drive of socialist market economy with deepening reform on housing, the academic research on the construction of political culture in urban community based on arising consciousness of civic rights in the course of community building is the new subject for our political practice in the new conditions.

在社会主义市场经济发展过程中,随着住房制度改革的深入,城市社区业主基于维权行动中公民权利意识的觉醒而进行社区的政治文化构建的理论研究与探讨,是新的历史条件下我国政治实践提出的崭新课题。

From the first chapter to the forth chapter, it summarizes four France capitalistic ideas on equality: the idealistic equality, the empirical equality, the systematized equality, and the singular equality. Then, it can be explored minutely from representative character, advance presupposition, doctrinal content, objective state, practical counterpoint, institutional embodiment, the tend of practice, theory extending and so on. In the fifth chapter, it researches into their contradiction and contestation between the four equalities, indicates their class-conscious essence, and tries to find out a direction to sole these questions. In the sixth chapter, as the intrinsic tendency of soling these deep-seated contradictions of the four equalities, the paper traces the process of France communism from chimerical idea to scientific theory, so that it can point out a gospel: the scientific socialism is the one and only way to surmount these embarrassments of capitalistic theories on equality. At the last chapter, according to our reviews about theories of equality during the hundred years in France, it can conclude some political apocalypse from our history. Owning the wisdom, we could choose our road to the equality, by using these experiences in the west political histories.

第一章到第四章,总结了带有法国资本主义特征的四种平等思想:法国理想平等观、法国经验平等观、法国体系平等观和法国单元平等观,并在代表人物、前提预设、学说内容、目标状态、现实对应、制度体现及其实践倾向和理论扩展等方面进行细致化地考察;第五章,探析四种平等观之间的内在矛盾和论争,指出其学说的阶级本质,同时试图探寻解决问题的方向;第六章,作为解决以上四种平等观之间深层矛盾的内在趋向,文章考察了法国共产主义平等思想由空想向科学的发展,进而指出只有科学社会主义才能走出资本主义平等理论的泥沼;在文章的最后,本文依据对法国百年平等思想史的考察,总结出历史所带给我们的政治启示,以使我们用西方政治的历史经验来选择我们自己的平等之路!

Owning to the power to control and distribute key political resources, the ruling party-state use this privilege to take political arrangement with co-optation character, and propel party organization building in private enterprises.

由于党和国家拥有关键性政治资源的掌握权和分配权,它们采取了带有"精英吸纳"性质的政治安排制度,以及在私营企业推行执政党的组织建设。

It is a commonsense in our age that political party is the main actor in modern political process.

政党是现代民主政治运行的重要支柱,选举、投票,政治领域的各种竞争性机制和活动,几乎都是以政党制度为基础的。

Secondly, It puts forward the motive, purpose and restriction factors in the innovation based on the non-balanced state of current financial institution, and has strongly prosed the control power of our government and the key effect of political banker in the innovation.

其次,针对我国现行金融制度的非均衡状况指出进行金融制度创新的动机、目的以及制约因素,重点论证了我国政府的金融控制力和政治银行家在我国金融制度创新中的关键作用。

The reality reasons that make the politic subjectivity decline are as such: the fall-down of economy, confinement of politics regimentation, the barrier of moral culture mentality .

为了唤醒政治主体性,必须建构合理政治主体性;完善民主制度并使其伦理化;建设开放的政治文化;促进哲学、政治学、伦理学的融合。

One can call this a reflection of the feudal structures left untouched by many a pseudo-revolutions; one can point to the long history of the pir/spiritual guide's extension into the political realm; one can blame lack of political education and access to corridors of power for the members of PPP; and one can acknowledge that the military regimes have sufficiently retarded all venues of political legitimacy, such that there simply cannot be any alternatives to the once-future leaders - Bhuttos, Jatois, Bugtis, Sharifs.

这种情况可视为封建制度的一种,因此许多革命表面上是革命,实际上却渗入封建因子。在漫漫历史中,我们可以发现某些精神领袖因此深入政治领域。也许可以怪罪於缺乏政治教育,或是无法撬开人民党权力中心的大门。另外,军权政治早就掩盖了政权的合法性,因此未来领袖名单,根本就落到这些人身上,例如布托家族、贾托伊家族、布格蒂、沙利夫家族。

Because of the low efficiency of economy collectivization, collective property rights can"t last for a long time and central government has to communicate with community and peasants. Rural community collective property rights become subjective through balancing benefits by formal or informal trading. With the changes of political and economical environment, the contradiction of rural community property rights between fair and efficiency become more and more serious. Collective lands and collective enterprises advance to privatization gradually. There are two kinds of country collective property rights in the history of its evolution, one offer community common good and the other satisfy peasants" private demand. The collective property rights institution improvement brings efficiency because it privatizes the latter. Because of the limit of industrialization and civilization, land is still the last social welfare of peasants, so rural community must attain the collective property rights to control the pressure of population. Also community has to get money from collective economy.

本文分析的思路是;由于制度变迁的&路径依赖&,农村社区之间的利益分配边界在解放以后得以保持并在集体化过程中得到加强,为社区获得排他性集体产权奠定了基础;由于国家对农村经济的集体化效率极低而不可能长期维持,国家不得不与社区和农民对话,通过正式或非正式的交易平衡多方利益,社区集体产权获得实质性内容;随着政治、经济等环境的不断变化,社区集体产权公平与效率之间的矛盾同益明显,集体土地和集体企业逐渐朝私有化的方向发展;从农村社区集体产权制度变迁的历史来看,集体产权实际上包含两种形式:提供社区公共物品和满足社区农民个人需求,每一次集体产权的制度创新,都是使后者&私有化&而提高了集体经济的效率;但是,受我国工业化和城市化进程缓慢的制约,土地依然是农民最后的生存保障,农村社区必须保持对土地的集体产权以调节人口变化对土地的压力,社区组织行使职能也必须有一定的集体经济提供资金支持。

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