政治上的

In their exercise of power, the primary task of modern nation-states is to transform "people" into politically, culturally and volitionally bounded "citizens," so that the state, instead of the "ruler," will be regarded by the ruled as the object of loyalty, and supportive forces that uphold from below the identity of political communities will occur.

现代民族国家的政治权力之遂行，首要工作乃是将「人」打造成有政治边界、文化边界与意志边界的「公民」，以使被统治者政治效忠的对象由「统治者」转变为「国家」，并且产生具有再生产性质由下而上支撑政治共同体同一性的支持力量。

At same time, there are some points of weakness in them, such as fading politic ideal, vulgarization of ...

同时，在青年身上也存在着一些认识上的偏差，如政治理想弱化、政治行为功利化、政治取向矛盾化等。

The whole Party pitching in and taking charge of this work.(9) setting typical examples for people to follow them. In chapter 4, the author suggests that ideological and political work is our Party"s "lifeline" and "central link, which must be carried forward and brought forth new ideas. According to such new situations and cases as the diversity of social life, the globalization of economy and information, the new struggle situation in the ideological sphere and so on. ideological and political work needs new ideas, and the work must adhere to the major principles as follows:(1) To correctly deal with the relationship of strengthening and improvement succession and innovation as well as creatively carrying out work based on strengthening and carrying forward.(2) To respect the mass initial creation spirit, further consolidate the consciousness of practice and unceasingly sum up and spread the new experiences of ideological and political work.(3) To adhere to realities, master the law and intensify the aim.(4) To make use of modem scientific technology and results of social science.(5) Under the premise of insisting on the above principles, to forcefully bring forth new ideas into ideologic

在第四章中，笔者提出思想政治工作是我党的&生命线&和&中心环节&，必须继承和发扬这一优良传统；新的形势和新的情况，如社会生活的多样性、经济和信息的全球化、思想领域斗争的新形势等，要求思想政治工作必须创新；思想政治工作创新必须坚持以下主要原则：必须正确处理好加强和改进、继承与创新的关系，在加强和继承的基础上创造性地开展工作；必须充分尊重群众的首创精神，进一步强化实践意识，不断总结推广思想政治工作的新经验；必须贴近现实、把握规一津、增强针对性：必须应用现代科学技术和社会科学的发展成果；在坚持以上原则的前提下，新时期思想政治工作必须在观念和思路、内容和载体、方法和手段以及制度方面予以重大创新。

By analyzing the general theories of the political development path, the author emphatically investigates the basic problems of the Chinese political development path, and teases reasonedly its shaping trajectory. Accordingly, the author prospects the goal orientation and makes out path selections of Chinese political development in the 21st century.

本文通过对政治发展道路的一般理论进行分析后，着重考察了中国特色政治发展道路的基本问题，对中国特色政治发展道路的形成发展轨迹进行了详尽梳理，并拟在此基础上前瞻21世纪中国政治发展的目标取向和路径选择。

The practical countermeasure of Han Fei-zi's political thoughts focuses on two parts: First, on the relationship of political order and political justice, he insists on taking order first as the premise of political value; Second, to surviving and developing in a age of power campaign, domestic management and national power enhancement are extremely important, so he proposes (1) Enriching Nation and Strengthening Army, Attaching Great Importance to Agriculture and Restraining Commerce;(2) Punishing Arrogated Minister, Strictly Enforcing the Judicial Reforms, and Changing habits and customs.

韩非子政治思想的现实对策主要包括两个方面的内容：其一，在政治秩序与政治正义之间的关系问题上，主张&秩序优先&前提下实现政治价值；其二，欲在&争于气力&生存与发展，强调内政治理、增强国力的极端重要性，主张(1)富国强兵，重农抑商，(2)惩治重臣，厉行法治，移风易俗。

The Cross-Strait relations are in a special status in a long time. The interactions between Taiwan and China in the economy are closely day by day, but in the politics are very different. China intervenes Taiwan in internationally again and again to unroll it's arrogance of power. And in Taiwan of DPP came into power past eight years, DPP highlighted the sovereignty question to avoide the breakdown of politics. Those made Taiwan and China to keep in addition kind of balance of 'closing economy, disaffecting polics'.

两岸关系长期以来处在一种特殊的情境之下，经济上双方的交流日益密切，甚至有形成共同体之趋势，但是在政治上，彼此的隔阂却日渐深化，彼岸一再打压，展现强权姿态，台湾在民进党执政八年期间，凸显主权问题，以防政治防线崩堤，危及其生存根本，使得双方保持著「经济拉近、政治疏远」的另类平衡。

The existence of outer power stayed in Arab world destroys union of geography, society, economy, culture and spirits of Arab world, separates the connection of different regions, obstacles development of Arab unity movement which is thought to be outer factors. However, deeper reasons should be found in inner world. Inner reasons include that political structure of Arab world and deeply dispute weakens the base of Pan-Arabism movement. In local region, the thoughts of Religious Minorities and Sectarianism deny and destroy Arab nationalism movement and its premise-the sincerity of country. Some non-Arab nations pursuit the unity of theirs own not the whole Arab nations. Regional Nationalism and Islamism obstacle the development of Pan-Arab unity movement Weak sovereignty of Arab countries and diverse political rules weaken the political base of movement of Pan-Arab unity. Unbalance of economy, culture and base of society between different regions also lag the unified movement.

内因包括：阿拉伯世界的政治结构和王朝间的利益纷争削弱了泛阿拉伯统一运动的群众基础和民族基础；在局部地区，宗教少数派及其宗派主义思想不断地否定和破坏阿拉伯民族主义运动及其前提——对祖国的忠诚；阿拉伯世界中一些非阿拉伯民族的独立诉求挑战地区的统一；地区民族主义和伊斯兰主义阻碍了泛阿拉伯统一运动的开展；孱弱的国家主权限制了阿拉伯国家在民族事务上的能动性，而多样的政治体制则削弱了泛阿拉伯统一的政治建构基础；阿拉伯各地区或国家间经济、文化和社会发展的不平衡以及整体上的滞后削弱了泛阿拉伯统一运动的经济、文化和社会基础，等等。

In the process of reading, we can see that when duel with the antinomy between individual life with politics pursue," Non-mainstream Literature Seventeen-Year "of China lay particular emphasis on to the political ethics.

在细读过程中，可以看出，中国&十七年&非主流作家在处理个体的生命体认与政治追求之间的矛盾时，侧重对政治伦理的追求：比如在婚姻问题上，当个体审美情感与政治品格发生矛盾时，倾向政治品格；当个体自由与政权、体制发生矛盾时，仍以认同、皈依体制为根本。

Carl Schmitt (1888-1985), the author of such books as Political Theology and The Crisis of Parliamentary Democracy (both published in English by The MIT Press), was one of the leading political and legal theorists of the twentieth century.

提起浪漫主义，特别是政治浪漫主义，一般人总是以为它是对现代性的反动，它在思想上是理性主义的反题，在政治上是保守主义和反革命，在文化上则是中世纪基督教文化的余绪。

The imperial seat of the Habsburg court since the 17th century, Vienna was one of the world's most powerful cities, both culturally and politically, until World War I, when the dissolution of the Austro-Hungarian Empire left it humbled by the redefinition of Europe's political structure.

皇室所在地的哈布斯堡法院自17世纪，维也纳是世界上最强大的城市，在文化上和政治上，直到第一次世界大战时，解散奥匈帝国离开受宠若惊重新确定欧洲的政治结构。

The split between the two groups can hardly be papered over.

这两个团体间的分歧难以掩饰。

This approach not only encourages a greater number of responses, but minimizes the likelihood of stale groupthink.

这种做法不仅鼓励了更多的反应，而且减少跟风的可能性。