政治

The emergence of politics as a career choice has been made possible, argues Peter Oborne in his book "The Triumph of the Political Class", by a penumbra of quasi-political institutions—think-tanks, consultancies, lobbying firms, politicians' back offices.

皮特？奥斯伯恩在其著述的《政治阶级的胜利》一书中认为各式各样的准政治机构——例如智库、咨询机构、游说公司、政客们的后勤办公室——使得政治作为一种职业选择的兴起成为可能。

In a community of Chinese nationals the "class struggle" carried out for vote sources often evolved into politician politics, vote-buying politics, or even Mafia politics.

在华人社会，为争夺票源进行的&阶级斗争&经常演变为政客政治，买票政治，甚至黑手党政治。

Just in this sense, the literary practice in those seventeen years manifested the sharp historic dialectical spirits and made any simplified true-false judgment be shallow and puerile before the real historic reality.

当然，这并不是说作为其创作成果的文学文本的精神情感取向与作家自觉意识到的政治理想、政治价值就没有任何断裂之处，对于那个时代来说，真正具有典型意义的恰恰在于政治理性对这一断裂的清醒监控，正是在这个意义上，17年的文学实践表现出了深刻的历史辨证精神，使任何简单化的对错判断在真实的历史现实面前失之浅薄和幼稚。

Just in this sense, the literary practice in those seventeen yearsmanifested the sharp historic dialectical spirits and made any simplified true-false judgment be shallow and puerile before the real historic reality.

当然，这并不是说作为其创作成果的文学文本的精神情感取向与作家自觉意识到的政治理想、政治价值就没有任何断裂之处，对于那个时代来说，真正具有典型意义的恰恰在于政治理性对这一断裂的清醒监控，正是在这个意义上，17年的文学实践表现出了深刻的历史辨证精神，使任何简单化的对错判断在真实的历史现实面前失之浅薄和幼稚。

In order to meet the requirements of the needs of the times, the author, after so many years' practical work, has probed into a creative method to college students' ideological and political education in terms of the innovation of the college students' ideological and political education creating comparative educational method, using the transposition thinking method, expanding the activity vectors, conducting soul communication and emotional inspiration.

为了使大学生思想政治教育工作适应时代发展要求，就大学生思想政治教育工作创新问题，笔者经过多年的工作实践，探索出了一条大学生思想政治教育&创设比较教育法、运用换位思考法、拓展活动载体法、利导心灵交流法、引导情感激励法&的创新方法，既具有明显的教育效果，又富有人性化。

From the angle of practice, the relationship between the Seventeen-year Literature and "politics" is totally manifested as the relationship between Seventeen-year Literature and the Seventeen-year Political Culture.

内容提要在服务论文学观的规定下，建国后17年文学与政治发生着紧密的关系，这无疑应该是一个常识性的观念。但是，在17年的历史环境内，17文学究竟怎样与&政治&发生着关系，特别是实践地看，这里的&政治&又指向什么样的历史内容，则仍然是一个有待具体厘清的问题。

From the angle of practice, the relationship between the Seventeen-year Literature and "politics" is totally manifested as the relationship between Seventeen-year Literature and the Seventeen-year Political Culture.

在服务论文学观的规定下，建国后17年文学与政治发生着紧密的关系，这无疑应该是一个常识性的观念。但是，在17年的历史环境内，17文学究竟怎样与&政治&发生着关系，特别是实践地看，这里的&政治&又指向什么样的历史内容，则仍然是一个有待具体厘清的问题。

The trends of thoughts of the Seventeen-year Literature in New China and all kinds of literary critic movements could all be viewed as a historic link, which got concretely revealed during the course that the political thoughts removed dissidents and made itself realized.

当然，简单的行政领导只能是一种外在的要求，就17年的思想观念来说，行政领导只是思想领导的表现手段。17年的政治思想是以政治意识形态的面目意识到自身的本质和历史责任的，在&政治挂帅&的基本认识中，它当然有着全面干预文学创作的充分思想理由。

His thought of separating political power, compared to the previous thinkers, is not an impractical political preaching but a political agenda with great practical significance.

他的分权制衡思想与以往的思想家相比，并非是空洞的政治说教，而是具有实际意义的政治纲领，在许多国家的政治实践中得到充分证明是有效的。

With a sharp political mind, rational and historical attitude, national political systems as the basis and political philosophy as his basic theory, Montesquieu put forward a profound concept of separating the political power to a balanceable state according to his deep grasp of the law of social development and the succeeded thought of his predecessors.

孟德斯鸠以他敏锐的政治头脑、理性主义和历史主义的态度，以各国政治制度为依据和政治哲学为基本思想，在深刻把握社会发展规律和继承前人思想的基础上，创造性地提出了影响人类的分权制衡思想。

The split between the two groups can hardly be papered over.

这两个团体间的分歧难以掩饰。

This approach not only encourages a greater number of responses, but minimizes the likelihood of stale groupthink.

这种做法不仅鼓励了更多的反应，而且减少跟风的可能性。