政治

The author analyzes the formation of the theory in terms of its theory origin, philosophical base and practice foundation, with a conclusion that Deng Xiaoping"s theory has been anteceded by Mao Zedong"s theory, with a matter-of-fact attitude and a permeance of historical materialism and materialist dialectics. The practice of political and ideological education from the establishment of the CPC until the Third Central Committee Meeting of the Eleventh Plenary Central Committee of the CPC is a historical precedent condition; the practice since the Reform and Open Policy is a realistic factor; and Deng Xiaopings own practice of political and ideological education is also an very important condition.

主要从邓小平新时期思想政治教育理论形成的理论来源、哲学基础和实践基础、三个角度论述邓小平新时期思想政治教育理论的形成，阐明邓小平新时期思想政治教育理论是和革命导师特别是毛泽东的思想政治教育理论一脉相承的，实事求是是其灵魂，历史唯物主义和唯物辩证法贯穿于这一理论的各个方面，中国共产党成立到十一届三中全会以前近六十年党的思想政治教育实践是其形成的历史依据，改革开放以来党的思想政治教育实践是其形成的现实依据，邓小平长期的思想政治教育实践是其形成的重要条件。

Nietzsche"s political philosophy is not piled up a dish of messy sand by maxim form, the writer thinks that Nietzsche"s political construction has his continuous logicality. It"s an expression of political philosophy that is constructed on the base of force will and life will, it makes life reach at a transitional bridge that can supply condition for the salvation of art. Thus, there are three understandings here. Firstly, politics is an objective expression of power will, also is an external expression of power will. The real politics depends on power will and services to their requirement and regulation; Secondly, the life faces on the double crises, on the one hand, the life falls into denial of Christian morality. Morality of Christianity presumes another world that life never touch for. This is world of soul belief and pursue, meanwhile, life is depreciated and degenerated as "evil", so the value of life suffers from misunderstanding and denial. Things of presence are subverted as things of exeunt."Uprising of slave in morality" results in the denial of ",master morality, at the same time, although modern democratic politics that based on morality of Christianity makes person return secular life and makes life identity and trite. This kind of politics creates privation of special vulture and race. On the other hand, internal requirement of power will results in the crisis of life because the characteristics of power will is continuous making and destroy.

尼采的政治哲学并非是以格言形式堆积而成的一盘散沙，笔者认为，尼采的政治建构有其一贯的逻辑性，体现为其政治哲学是建构在强力意志或生命意志基础上的并使生命达至艺术拯救提供条件的一座过度性桥梁，对此有三层理解：首先政治是权力意志的一种客观体现，是全力意志的一种外化，真正的政治必须立足于权力意志之上并服务于其要求和规定；其次，生命面临着双重危机，一方面，生命陷入基督教道德的否定之中，基督教道德设定了一个生命遥不可及的彼岸世界，这是灵魂信仰和追求的世界，同时生命被贬堕为"恶"，这样，生命的价值遭到误解和否定，在场的事物被颠覆为退场的事物，"主人道德"被否定，这是"道德上的奴隶起义"的结果，同时基于基督教道德之上的现代民主政治虽然使人回到了尘世，但是又将生命齐一化和平庸化，造成特殊文化和特殊种族的缺位，而正是这种文化和这种种族才能真正地肯定生命；另一方面，生命的危机是权力意志内在的要求所致，因为权力意志的一个特质就是连续地生成和毁灭，就生命本身就是权力意志而言，毁灭就是其必然的命运。

China in 1949 to the end of 1950"s, which witnessed the first unprecedented outburst of political passion of Chinese youth, 2 the ten-year "Cultural Revolution period: when Chinese youth, driven by enthusiasm and blinded by flightiness and rashness, became politically naive and fanatical, 3 after the Third Session of the Eleventh Party Congress period: when political passion of Chinese youth, with the great tide of reform and open-door policy, came to a new surge, 4 the late 1980s period: when western modern ideas flooded into China, a student movement took place with impatience and negation of Chinese traditions and biased worship of western politics, and 5 the 1990s period: when Chinese youth discarded their restless state of mind started to take part in politics more maturely.

二是中国青年政治激情的辉煌与缺失，从五个阶段论述：中华人民共和国成立至五十年代末期，新中国青年政治激情的第一次空前大爆发；十年文化大革命时期，青年凭着青春的单纯和满腔的热情，带着相当程度的盲目与浮躁，最后导致政治上的狂热和幼稚；十一届三中全会以后，随着改革开放的大潮，中国青年的政治激情再次汹涌澎湃；80年代后期，随着西方现代社会思潮的涌入，急躁情绪、对传统的盲目否定，对西方政治的片面崇拜引发学潮；90年代青年政治参与的"躁动"心态明显减弱，青年参与社会政治的心态趋于成熟。

The building process should stick to linking the commonness and uniqueness, tradition and modernness, scientific spirits and humanitarian spirit, revolutionary politics and constructive politics. The core conception of contemporary Chinese political philosophy is featured by justice, capability, public and Thoughts about"People Foremost".

从当代中国政治哲学的学术背景、现实问题域以及当代中国政治哲学的基本论域等三个方面，探讨当代中国政治哲学的主题；建构当代中国政治哲学应当坚持共性与个性相联系、传统与现代相结合、科学精神与人文精神相统一、革命政治与建设政治相区别的方法论；从获权方式、获权根据、如何用权、为谁用权等四个方面，把公正、能力、公共、民本确立为当代中国政治哲学的核心理念。

Say from common sense,"Recursive Europe " it is the political catchword that leader of politics of state of the shunt after revulsion puts forward, aim to domestic and international declare publicly, they are appetent the politics that casts off Russia, economy and martial control and influence, the politics that rapid development is the same as the west, economy and military affairs concern a kind of such new ground predestined relationships political incline to, the political value orientaton with self-identity active west (the with diversity citizen society that builds democracy) with economic system .

从一般意义上说，&回归欧洲&是剧变后转轨国家政治领导人提出的政治口号，旨在向国内外昭示，它们意欲摆脱苏联的政治、经济和军事控制及影响，迅速发展同西方的政治、经济和军事关系这样一种新的地缘政治趋向，认同西方现行的政治价值取向(建立民主的和多元化的公民社会)和经济制度。

In the 1980s,developing countries realized the transition of politics one by one.The study on political development and political transition became the hot issue again. In the early 1990s,Russia began its political transition under delegative democracy which came from its political historical background and actual situation.

20世纪80年代，发展中国家相继实现了民主政治转型，政治发展、政治转型研究再度成为政治学界的热门课题。90年代初，俄罗斯走上了政治转型道路，特殊的历史背景和现实环境使之形成了独特的政治转型模式。

Because of the deviation, the society became a one-dimensional society, man became a one-dimensional man.it"s same to the politics, thought and culture. Marcuse critiqued it fierily. He thought that the man in this society would lose his individuality, independence power as well as the inner revolution and negativity against the social control and manipulation. They would be " industrial civilization slave" and "one-dimensional man" freely and numbly, succumbing to society polities" need. Politics became one-dimensional without opposition.

由这种的分离，社会发生异化，社会变成了单向度社会，病态社会，人成了单向度人，政治、思想、文化也都变成了单向度的政治、思想、文化，基于此，马尔库塞对之进行了猛烈抨击，认为人在这样一个社会中失去了自己的个性，失去了自主力，失去了对社会控制与操纵的内在反抗性、否定性，舒舒服服地成为&工业文明的奴隶&，成为屈从社会政治需要而又麻木地自感幸福的&单向度的人&，政治成了没有政治反对派的单向度政治。

This article around the political and economic social development analyzes and introspects the intrinsic profound relation with comparison, and unify the illustration that the Contemporary China politics and construction promote the grow of state economic society, to attempt to elaborate the importance of the authority, the order and the vitality in constructing of the political validity,, and further verifies the middle axle principle role that the political validity plays in the national development, thus , from the political validity construction which promotes country growth and social development, to verifie the achievement which the China reform and open policy more than 30 for years obtained is the fact that the effective politics create effective development.

本文通过分析政治与经济社会发展的内在深刻联系和反思比较两者的关系，并结合当代中国政治建设促进国家经济社会成长的例证，试图阐述在建构政治有效性当中权威、秩序和活力的重要性，并据此进一步探明政治有效性在国家发展当中所起到的中轴原理作用，从而印证中国改革开放三十多年来所取得的成就从政治有效性建构促进国家成长和社会发展的层面上来说就是有效政治创造有效发展的事实。

First, it summarizes and analyzes Chinese recent achievements and problems in political construction. Then it sets forth the urgencies of contemporary Chinese political modernization from four aspects: political modernization is the necessary need of globalization; it is the important purpose of Chinese social modernization; it is the objective need of developing socialist market economy; it is the main approach to eliminate the shortcomings of political system.

本章首先概括和分析了近年来中国政治建设取得的成绩和存在的问题，然后从四个方面阐述了当代中国实现政治现代化的迫切性：政治现代化是全球化的必然要求，政治现代化是中国社会现代化的重要目标，政治现代化是发展社会主义市场经济的客观要求，政治现代化是消除政治体制弊端的重要途径。

In the level of material system, as the main body of writing, literary workers possessed the "organization" problem, which is undoubtedly an outstanding historic phenomenon during the course of the practice of the Seventeen-year Literature.

广义的政治文化分三个层面，一则为政治制度层面，一则为政治思想层面，再则为政治心理包括政治信仰、政治价值等层面。17年政治文化在这三个层面全面地影响着新中国建国后17年的文学。

The split between the two groups can hardly be papered over.

这两个团体间的分歧难以掩饰。

This approach not only encourages a greater number of responses, but minimizes the likelihood of stale groupthink.

这种做法不仅鼓励了更多的反应，而且减少跟风的可能性。