政党的

In addition, this thesis also studies the aspects of international relationship, national security, Taiwan history of culture, the interaction and relation of Taiwan Straits, etc and explores the strategies of international political and economical issues and the development of the relations among US, mainland China and Taiwan, the structure of country security, the relation of culture and local though, history evolution and political changes, and the effects of basic doctrinism, the goodness of new government for the people.

本文系藉由相关之研究方法，诠释民进党自建党初期，历经「台湾主权实质独立论」时期、「台湾独立建国论」时期、「革新保台论」至政党轮替前等各时期的大陆政策演变，并从国际关系、国家安全、历史文化、两岸关系与互动等方面，以国际政经与战略、美中台三边关系的发展、国家安全架构、文化与本土思潮、历史演进与政治变迁、基本教义派的影响、新政府的善意表现、连任后的两岸关系与互动以及反分裂国家法对两岸关系的冲击等角度来探讨影响民进党政府大陆政策制定的背景因素。

This text breaks through inclination of taking whom inner-party supervise in studying suffused with in the past, trys to use systematic theory, dialectics method to attempt to widen the research space of inner-party democratic supervision , realize that innovates followingly: we should implement the " parallel and rectilinear leadership structure "; we should strengthen the specialization of the special supervisory organ of the inner-party; we should improve power, dispose the structure and make the relation of the party"s " three meetings in order ; we should develop inner-party democracy, strengthen

本文力求突破以往党内监督研究中的泛化倾向，试图借鉴和运用系统论、辩证法等方法，来拓宽党内民主监督的研究空间，实现以下创新：实行&平行垂直式&的领导体制，强化党内专门监督机构的专门性；改善权力配置结构，理顺党内&三会&的关系；发展党内民主，强化党员主体地位，实现以权利制约权力；加强制度制定的完整性、超前性、可操作性和程序性，增强制度落实的严肃性、持久性和强制性；内外兼修，选择借鉴，吸纳各国政党监督的有益成分等新思路

The cabinet resigned four times between 1998 and 1999 and the president was impeached by the Russian State Duma in 1999. This confirms that Russian politicians, parties, and government organizations have not tried to obtain political power through nondemocratic procedures in oder to establish a non-democratic regime. Therefore constitutionalism has been built and reflected in both the constitution as well as in the practical operation of politics. This phenomenon is very helpful for the democratic consolidation of Russia.

九八年和九九年四次撤换内阁的宪政风波以及九九年年中弹劾总统的宪危机，皆证实了俄国的政治人物、政党或政府组统，并没有以非民主的程序来获取政治权力，试图建立非民主的政权，所以宪政主义在俄国已经逐渐确立，并且也已反映在宪法与实际的政治运作上，这对於俄罗斯民主政治的巩固发展，有著莫大的助益。

Disgruntled Tory MPs describe a seigneurial party set-up, with Mr Cameron and Mr Osborne at the top, then a rank of appointed satraps: Ed Llewellyn, the leader's chief of staff; Steve Hilton, his main strategist; and Andy Coulson, his controversial media man.

不满的保守党议员们描述了一副封建庄园式的政党架构：位于顶端的是卡梅隆先生和奥斯本先生，接下来是指定的&总督&们：领导人的参谋长艾德卢埃琳，他的主要幕僚史蒂夫希尔顿，以及他备受争议的通讯员安迪库尔森。

During the Cold War, many proletarian parties did not deal with the relations between socialism and capitalism ail-roundly and properly. They often took a one-side approach to the issue. In other words, they overemphasized the aspect of antagonism, belligerence and repellency but neglected the aspect of coexistence, osmosis, supplement and transformability, which damaged the socialist revolution and building of the states and the socialist movement of the world.

冷战时期，许多工人阶级政党对社会主义与资本主义的关系都缺乏全面正确的认识，在处理二者关系上常常失之偏颇，过分强调社会主义与资本主义对立、斗争，排斥的一面，而忽视它们共存、渗透、互补、可转化的一面，对本国的社会主义革命和社会主义建设以及世界社会主义运动的发展，都带来极大的损失。

As well as on a worldwide scale—not only had a disorienting and demoralizing effect on large numbers of people who had actively sought, and fought for, radical change in the world, as well as people more broadly, but this was also true among communists and within our Party.

共产主义政党是由抱着同样理想的人聚集起来的，他们对革命的必需性和可能性有着共同的先进的、科学的理解，他们都梦想着为人类带来一个根本不同的、更好的未来。

By investigating the choice of mid-size constituency twice in the history, we can find that the final choice of mid-size constituency is largely the result of three big parties repulsing small parties.

与中选区制并不构成&五五年体制&形成的动力类似的是，中选区制也并不构成&五五年体制&解体的动力。&五五年体制&出现危机的根源在于社会结构的变化所带来的选举支持基础的变化，以及政党在这种变化面前的惰性所致。

They had modest backgrounds and spoke in plain language. They reminded metropolitan critics of the party's supposedly draconian policies that Labourism is not the same as liberalism, and that "their people"(the lower-to-middle classes) were the main victims of crime and uncontrolled immigration.

他们有着平凡的出生，讲着平实的语言，他们让人们想起对政党严峻政策的都市化倾向的批评，那就是劳动主义是不同于自由主义的，而且&他们的人民&是犯罪和无控制移民政策最主要的受害者。

In this constitutional movement, social power aroused to some degree by constitutionalists and their press activities, thus forming a new type of politics of public opinion. Slogans such as press freedom and free expression were utilized as powerful weapons to supervise government activities.

在这一运动的过程中，社会力量得到一定程度的动员，造成了较为广泛的舆论政治，而立宪派的政党活动以及报刊力量是这一舆论政治运动的酵母，由此形成了以言论自由、出版自由为口号的监督政府、批评政府的浪潮，这是舆论政治最显著的表现。

In return, Tisza not only denounced anti-Semitism but also used his political machine to check the growth of an anti-Semitic party. In 1896 his successors passed legislation securing the Jews' final emancipation. By 1910 about 900,000 Jews made up approximately 5 percent of the population and about 23 percent of Budapest's citizenry.

作为回报，提萨不仅攻击反犹太人主义还用他的政治机器来限制一个鼓吹反犹太人主义的政党发展。1896年，提萨的继承者通过法律手段确保犹太人最终的解放。1910年时，拥有大约90万人口的犹太人构成了匈牙利国内5%的人口以及布达佩斯23%的市民。

The split between the two groups can hardly be papered over.

这两个团体间的分歧难以掩饰。

This approach not only encourages a greater number of responses, but minimizes the likelihood of stale groupthink.

这种做法不仅鼓励了更多的反应，而且减少跟风的可能性。