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Aeschylus traveled to Sicily several times during his life, and on his last voyage he did not return.

在埃斯库罗斯一生中,他曾数次前往西西里岛,当最后一次踏上那的土地,他就再也没有回来。

These themes were popularized in Aeschylus' tragedies, and have been common ever since.

这些主题在埃斯库罗斯的悲剧中非常普遍,并且一直流行至今。

He had lost the sense of what the Chorus was in the hands of the great masters, say in the Bacchae or the Eumenides. He mistakes, again, the use of that epiphany of a God which is frequent at the end of the single plays of Euripides, and which seems to have been equally so at the end of the trilogies of Aeschylus. Having lost the living tradition, he sees neither the ritual origin nor the dramatic value of these divine epiphanies. He thinks of the convenient gods and abstractions who sometimes spoke the prologues of the New Comedy, and imagines that the God appears in order to unravel the plot. As a matter of fact, in one play which he often quotes, the _Iphigenia Taurica_, the plot is actually distorted at the very end in order to give an opportunity for the epiphany.

亚里士多德还忘了合唱队是由那掌握命运者来控制,比如酒神的女祭司或者复仇女神欧墨尼得斯;他弄错了神的显现的用处,欧里庇德斯的单幕悲剧结尾处常有神显现,埃斯库罗斯三部曲的结尾好像与此相似,由于失去了活生生的传统,亚里士多德没有意识到神灵显现的仪式渊源和戏剧价值,而把神认为是有时去朗诵新喜剧开场白的这样一种方便和抽象,想象神的出现是为了解开情节的死结,而事实上,在他经常引用的《在奥利斯的伊菲革涅亚》里,情节实际上在结尾处被搅乱,目的是为了给神一个显现的机会。

In the Oresteia, the political order of Athen mirrors the divine rule and justice; besides, Athene presented as a founder of Areopagus, she turn the old justice of violent revenge towards the new justice of trial, at the ending of the Oresteia, Eumenides and Athene reconcile themselves to their incorporation into the new order.

和索福克勒斯一样,埃斯库罗斯也承认,政治的正义不是基于绝对的道德律令,而"奥瑞斯特亚"中雅典娜建立雅典法庭的意图正是要将古老的复仇正义转向新的法庭正义,并让复仇女神和她自己及其代表的城邦在新的政治秩序中达成和解。

Let us now look more closely at the Socratic tendency by means of which Euripides fought and conquered Aeschylean tragedy.

现在,让我们进一步考察这种苏格拉底倾向。欧里庇德斯就是以它为武器来斗争,而战胜埃斯库罗斯的悲剧的。

Sophocles's version of the Electra story was written around 410 BCE, and it is difficult to read it without thinking of Euripides's Electra and the middle portion of Aeschylus's trilogy, the Oresteia, which recounts the same events.

索福克勒斯的版本的恋父的故事写在公元前410 ,这是难以阅读它没有思想的欧里庇得斯的恋父和中东部分埃斯库罗斯的三部曲的奥瑞斯提亚,其中叙述了相同的事件。

In the Oresteia, the political order of Athen mirrors the divine rule and justice; besides, Athene presented as a founder of Areopagus, she turn the old justice of violent revenge towards the new justice of trial, at the ending of the Oresteia, Eumenides and Athene reconcile themselves to their incorporation into the new order.

和索福克勒斯一样,埃斯库罗斯也承认,政治的正义不是基于绝对的道德律令,而&奥瑞斯特亚&中雅典娜建立雅典法庭的意图正是要将古老的复仇正义转向新的法庭正义,并让复仇女神和她自己及其代表的城邦在新的政治秩序中达成和解。

From such a surplus the Parthenon and the Propylaea were built, the sculptures of Pheidias paid for, and the festivals celebrated, for which AEschylus, Sophocles, Euripides,and Aristophanes composed their dramas.

靠这种剩余财富,建造起了巴台农神殿和希腊雅典卫城的入口,购买了菲迪亚斯的雕刻作品,举办了庆祝盛典,埃斯库罗斯·素福克勒斯、欧里庇得斯和阿里斯托芬的戏剧,就是为这些盛典创作的。

In considering the extraordinary boldness with which Aeschylus places the Olympian world on his scales of justice, we must remember that the profound Greek had an absolutely stable basis of metaphysical thought in his mystery cults and that he was free to discharge all his skeptical velleities on the Olympians.

试想深思的希腊人的秘教有其牢不可破的哲理基础,而且他们的种种怀疑论有时甚或向奥林匹斯神灵突然进攻;那么,埃斯库罗斯这样大胆地把奥林匹斯神界放在他的正义天秤上来衡量,那就不足为奇了。

Along with Sophocles and Euripides, the two other chief Athenian tragedians, Aeschylus stands as one of the most important literary figures in the western tradition.

随着索福克勒斯和欧里庇得斯,其他两个行政雅典tragedians ,埃斯库罗斯成为一个最重要的文学人物的西方传统。

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