国家主义的

Red lights should be blinking and alarm bells ringing in every nation, because World Government will not leave any country out; and any country not wanting to "voluntarily join" this World Government geared on US, UK and Israeli global interests, will be automatically branded a "Rogue State","antidemocratic","contrary to humanity","anti-Semitic", and when that happens, we all know what comes next...

红灯闪烁，并应警钟敲响在每一个国家，因为世界政府不会离开任何国家输出；和任何国家不想"自愿加入"政府针对这一世界上美国，英国和以色列的全球利益，将被自动品牌"无赖国家"，"反民主"，"违反人道"，"反犹太主义"，当发生这种情况，我们都知道下一步。。。

In view of this characteristic of Xuncius's state structure theory, we called it"cultural selfish departmentalism".

鉴于荀子国家结构论的这一特征，我们将其称之为"文化本位主义"，以与所谓"君本主义"或"民本主义"相区别。

Instead this paper focuses on the theoretical, analytical dimension and offers three theoretical, analytical explanations for the questions: 1 because the literary indigenization paradigm engenders a kind of antagonism between different historical narratives which is difficult to be weakened; 2 because in the identity politics strategic essentialism is ready to slide from a mere strategy to a form of de facto essentialism that provokes an essentialist backlash; 3 because the literary indigenization paradigm and the conflict caused by it, after all, involves state power.

因此本文另辟蹊径，从理论分析的角度提出三点解释：第一，由於文学的本土化典范是一种叙事的本土化典范，其相关的争论有如世界观的冲突；第二、由於认同政治∕文化斗争中的「策略的本质主义」与本质主义之间不易区分，即使是策略性的认同宣称，也容易引起本质主义色彩的对抗；第三，因为文学的本土化典范终究涉及国家权力。

Taking the challenge and chance China faced as the point of departure and solving the problems China and CPC faced as the starting point, the impartment thought of three represents is the brilliant model of applying the Marxism to solve the problems in China. It is developed from Marxism and presents Marxism's sprite of keeping pace with the times.

三个代表的重要思想，从我国面临的种种机遇和挑战作为出发点，以解决我们国家和党所面临的问题为着眼点，是用马克思主义理论解决中国现实问题的光辉典范，是马克思主义在当代中国的新发展，体现了马克思主义与时俱进的理论本质。

Methods of choice of law of international private law have experienced from the unilateralism to the multilateralism,and later the substantialism has been absorbed into these approaches. This processnot only reflects the value of international private law that has changed from pursuing the form justice to seeking the essence justice,but also embodies the variety of international private laws value orientation.It was to the interests of states in the early stage, in behalf of the international community′s "shared sov-ereignty" later, and finally it returns to be for the sake of private interests.

国际私法的法律选择方法经历了由单边主义方法到多边主义方法，再到后来融入实体主义方法的演变过程，这一过程既反映了国际私法的价值由追求形式正义到追求实质正义的取向，也体现着对国际私法的价值的定位由以国家利益为出发点发展到以国际社会"主权共享"利益为出发点，最后回归到以私人利益为出发点和落脚点的发展过程。

By analyzing two cases of bordering affairs in which multiliteral strategies were applied the author holds that Chinas participation in practice of multiliteralism is meant for maintaining her own benefits as well as to help establish an international mechanism represented by a new concept of security.

本文通过对中国参与的两个周边多边主义案例的考察，认为中国参与多边主义机制既是为了维护现实的国家利益，也是在通过参与多边主义进程，创设以新安全观为代表的国际制度

If the US was running a $.6 trillion current-account surplus, commentators worldwide would violently condemn our policy, viewing it as an extreme form of "mercantilism"– a long-discredited economic strategy under which countries fostered exports, discouraged imports, and piled up treasure. I would condemn such a policy as well. But, in effect if not in intent, the rest of the world is practicing mercantilism in respect to the US, an act made possible by our vast store of assets and our pristine credit history. Indeed, the world would never let any other country use a credit card denominated in its own currency to the insatiable extent we are employing ours. Presently, most foreign investors are sanguine: they may view us as spending junkies, but they know we are rich junkies as well.

换个角度来说，如果美国现在享有的是6000亿美元的贸易顺差的话，其他国家一定会立刻跳出来谴责我们的贸易政策，将之视为重商主义，也就是长久以来，为人所垢病的鼓励出口、压抑进口、囤积财富的经济政策，我对这种做法也期期以为不可，但事实上就算不是有意的，目前世界上其它国家确实正对美国实行重商主义，觊谀我国丰厚的资产以及深厚的家底，确实除了美国以外，世界上再也没有其它国家可以享有几乎无上限的信用额度，截至目前为止，大部份的外国人还是相当乐观，他们认定我们是花钱如流水的败家子，而且是极其富有的败家子。

Neither simple localisms nor simple universalisms are sustainable here -- neither claims to a monolithic national sovereignty or interest or character (which are cast into doubt by internal dissent and pluralism), nor claims to universally grounded standards (which founder on the plurality of actual worldviews and moral perspectives).

在此，单独的地方主义或单独的普世主义都是不能持续的——无论是宣称完整的民族国家主权，国家利益或民族特性（这些会因为内部的异议和内部的多元主义而受到质疑），还是主张奠基于普遍基础的规范（这种主张因为实际的世界观和道德视角的多元性而失败）。

As part of the dynamic, changing, and self-critical tradition of feminist theory and practice, transnational feminism is a further critique of Western mainstream feminism, including those women's studies programs in the States that still confine their practice within the frame of the nation, unable to critically examine their own explicit or implicit participation in colonialism and neocolonialism in a global setting.

作为富有自我批判精神并不断发展演变的西方女性主义实践的一部分，跨国女性主义对西方主流女性主义提出了更深入的批评，包括美国某些依然将实践局限在国家框架之内的女性研究项目，因为这些项目无法反省、检视其自身自觉或不自觉参与殖民主义和新殖民主义在全球霸权扩张的事实。

First, due to the effect of globalization, regionalization and knowledge-based economy, European Union was allied by its economy, politics and higher education. Moreover, European Union has enhanced its competitiveness by commoditization. Secondly, the right of the nation-states' was expropriated progressively when European Union's higher education was integrated by interacting between the intergovernmentalism and supranationalism. Thirdly, the promotion of the higher education integration was discordant in the countries, having different opinions about the European integration policy. Also, the European Union promoted its competitiveness via trying to carry out a serial of education integration plans.

研究结果经整理归纳后，得以下结论：壹、欧盟基於全球化、区域化与知识经济与的影响，欧盟国家於经济、政治与高等教育结盟合作，藉由欧洲的共同体化来增强欧洲的竞争力贰、政府间主义和超国家主义互动下的欧洲的高等教育整合，事实上均不断地在侵蚀民族国家的权力参、各国对欧洲整合态度不同，以致於在推动高等教育整合方面有不一致的速度肆、欧盟欲藉由推行一系列教育整合计画，以增加欧盟的竞争力。

The split between the two groups can hardly be papered over.

这两个团体间的分歧难以掩饰。

This approach not only encourages a greater number of responses, but minimizes the likelihood of stale groupthink.

这种做法不仅鼓励了更多的反应，而且减少跟风的可能性。