国家主义的

According to Trompenaars and Hampden-Turner, America is ranked as a highly universalistic culture and China a highly particularistic culture.

特龙彭纳斯和汉普登在他们的研究中指出，美国属于高度普遍主义国家而中国属于高度特殊主义国家。

If the U.S. was running a $.6 trillion current-account surplus, commentators worldwide would violently condemn our policy, viewing it as an extreme form of "mercantilism"– a long-discredited economic strategy under which countries fostered exports, discouraged imports, and piled up treasure. I would condemn such a policy as well. But, in effect if not in intent, the rest of the world is practicing mercantilism in respect to the U.S., an act made possible by our vast store of assets and our pristine credit history. Indeed, the world would never let any other country use a credit card denominated in its own currency to the insatiable extent we are employing ours. Presently, most foreign investors are sanguine: they may view us as spending junkies, but they know we are rich junkies as well.

换个角度来说，如果美国现在享有的是 6，000 亿美元的贸易顺差的话，其它国家一定会立刻跳出来谴责我们的贸易政策，将之视为重商主义，也就是长久以来，为人所垢病的鼓励出口，压抑进口，囤积财富的经济政策，我对这种做法也期期以为不可，但事实上就算不是有意的，目前世界上其它国家确实正对美国实行重商主义，觊谀我国丰厚的资产以及深厚的家底，确实除了美国以外，世界上再也没有其它国家可以享有几乎无上限的信用额度，截至目前为止，大部份的外国人还是相当乐观，他们认定我们是花钱如流水的败家子，而且是极其富有的败家子。

Corruption took hold of Kenya almost immediately after independence, as the regime of Jomo Kenyatta sought, in a hurry, to shift political and economic power from whites and Indians into the hands of a new African elite.

几乎在国家独立的同时就出现了严重的腐败，那时政权一心慌着要将白人和印度人手中的政治与经济权力转到新兴非洲中坚份子的手上。1978年肯尼亚塔逝世之后，他的前任副总统丹尼尔·阿拉普·莫伊便继续着这种委任制体系与独裁主义的统治，崇尚着个体家族的繁荣。

Indeed, without such a centralized administration, the execution of any such gigantic scheme as Pan-Germanism, extending necessarily over a long series of years and requiring continuity of policy and careful preparations for eventualities known of necessity only to a few, would be utterly impossible. In England and in France, power is distributed in too many hands to make continuity of policy and vigor of administration really possible; in Russia, the country itself is too large to be directed efficiently by a single head; in Germany, the happy mean is found.

只有在集权化政府的环境下，象泛日耳曼主义（Pan-Germanism）这样宏大的蓝图的执行（它要求的时间跨度长达持续数年，要求政策的连续性和仔细的准备以使得只有必要的一小部分人才知道最终结果）才能获得最大限度的可能；在俄国，国家本身的过于臃肿使得由一个寡头来进行有效管理成为不可能；在德国，人们找到了最佳方法。

Traditional views of international law maintain the essentially bilateralist view set forth in the late Eighteenth Century by de Vattel's Le Droit des Gens ou Principes de la Loi Naturelle: states, as sovereigns, are bound and limited in their actions only by those rules to which they themselves have agreed to be bound and limited (explicitly in the case of treaties, explicitly or implicitly with regard to customary law).

国际法的传统观点仍停留在十八世纪末瓦特尔在 Le Droit des Gens ou Principes de la Loi Naturelle 中所提出的本质上为双边主义的观点，即主权国家的行动只会受那些它们已然同意的规则的束缚与限制（明确的形式是条约，至于习惯法则有明确或不明确之分）。

It tries to transcend the debate on European integration between intergovernmentalism and supranationalism by focusing on the actual operation of the Euro-polity. It views EU neither as an international organization nor as a quasi-federal state, but regards EU as a multi-level governance system in which national, supranational and subnational players are collectively involved in European governance and share the authority jointly.

它试图超越政府间主义与超国家主义在欧洲一体化问题上的争论，而把理论的关注点放在欧盟政治实体的具体运转上，认为欧盟既不是国际组织也不是准联邦国家而是国家、超国家、次国家行为体共同参与、共享权力的多层治理体制。

By emphasizing the post-war situation and the individual existence in Japan, Kenzaburo Oe exposes the fragility of democracy and the cruelty of Japan's imperial system. He warns that the post-war distortion of values results in the nationalism thinking, and thus delivers his post-war re-enlightenment consciousness.

大江正是通过强调在战后的时代状况和生存状态之下作为一个独立个体的主体性的重要，昭示了容许天皇制存续的日本民主主义的脆弱和天皇制自身所蕴含的暴力因素，并提示了战后价值体系的扭曲是国家主义风潮再起的精神土壤，以此警示日本民众，表达自己的战后再启蒙意识。

He is aided by fighters loosely linked to the Shabab ("the Youth"), the armed wing of the Islamic Courts Union, which briefly ran most of the country in 2006, plus nationalist Somalis from disaffected bits of the powerful Hawiye clan and criminals flying a jihadist flag of convenience.

这位长官受到多方的支援，首先就是那些偶尔与Shabab拉帮结派的好战分子（Shabab意为年轻派，他们是伊斯兰法庭联盟的武装力量，并且在2006年短时间里控制着国家的大部分地区），其次就是索马里本国的民族主义分子——这些人来自于强大的哈维耶部族的叛逆势力与罪犯，同时还挥动着圣战主义的方便旗。

From there, he fell in with a slightly hysterical clutch of hard-right priests and nationalists, one of whom gave him his first job, on a small Belgian Catholic newspaper, the Vingtieme Siecle, which fervently supported the monarchy, Belgian missionaries in the Congo and Mussolini and loathed the Bolshevik atheists running Russia and "Judeo-American" capitalism.

从那时起，他就投入了一些极右派牧师和狂热的国家主义分子的怀抱。这些人其中的一位给了他第一份工作：为一家名叫&二十世纪报&的巴尔干天主教报纸打工。该报热烈地支持君主制，在刚果的巴尔干传教士和墨索里尼；痛恨统治俄国的布尔什维克无神论者和犹太人主导的美国资本主义。

From there, he fell in with a slightly hysterical clutch of hard-right priests and nationalists, one of whom gave him his first job, on a small Belgian Catholic newspaper, the Vingtieme Siecle, which fervently supported the monarchy, Belgian missionaries in the Congo and Mussolini and loathed the Bolshevik atheists running Russia and "Judeo-American" capitalism.

从那时起，他就投入了一些极右派牧师和狂热的国家主义分子的怀抱。这些人其中的一位给了他第一份工作：为一家名叫&二十世纪报&的比利时天主教报纸打工。该报热烈地支持君主制，在刚果的比利时传教士和墨索里尼；痛恨统治俄国的布尔什维克无神论者和犹太人主导的美国资本主义。

The split between the two groups can hardly be papered over.

这两个团体间的分歧难以掩饰。

This approach not only encourages a greater number of responses, but minimizes the likelihood of stale groupthink.

这种做法不仅鼓励了更多的反应，而且减少跟风的可能性。