命题

Yet as expressed by many it ignores too readily the propositional and creedal content of Scripture.

但由於所表达的许多它无视太容易了命题和creedal内容的经文。

The main propositions of his culturological system include: The culturology is an independent and systemic science in its own style; the culturology holds the highest position in the scientific system; the cultural system not only grows and declines, but also " revives" or " get rebirth"; the future culture is the middle-of-the-road type which is the synthesis of both the meditative and sensual types of culture; the way for the world cultural development is to constitute a culture which blends the Chinese and the western cultures.

其文化学体系架构的重要命题有：文化学是一门独立的、自成体系的科学；文化学在科学体系中占有最高的位置；文化体系不仅会生长与没落，还可以&复兴&或&再生&；未来的文化是以中庸法则做根据，综合&冥观的文化&与&实感的文化&二者之长，成为新型的&中庸型文化&；世界文化的出路，就在于中西文化互相借鉴，建立浑融的&会通文化&，等等。

A deontological proposition that echoes Kant in framing the moral good of justice in absolutist terms.

一个回应康德以绝对主义者的口气，形构正义之为道德之善的义务论的命题。

In fact, not only whether the Hundred Critics' Annotations is completely a forged book made by booksellers remains discussible; but as one of the most important annotation books for Dongpo's poetry that survived from Song Dynasty, its historical significance was irreplacable by later works or dissertations, even if they are more precise or profound than it.

本文即从此一观点出发，论析清人王文诰对《百家注》所引用之注家──即所谓「百家姓氏」的分类说法，探讨「百家姓氏」与王十朋、江西诗人及南北宋间重要学术、政治人物之关系，以重新衡定《百家注》在苏轼研究史及宋代文化史上之价值，并掘发可能值得更进一步开发、探赜之命题。

In this sense, it is precisely the tragic myth that has to convince us that even the ugly and disharmonic are part of an artistic game that the will in the eternal amplitude of its pleasure plays with itself.

所以，我要重复我上文的命题：只有作为一种审美现象，人生与世界才显得合情合理。

Dretske can thus use this notion of doxastic sensitivity to explain why closure fails by showing how knowledge needs to be understood relative to a certain relevant range of possible worlds which is variable depending upon the proposition at issue.

Dretske于是使用这个信念敏感性观点，解释了为什么闭合原则失败：知道需要被理解为相对于相关的一系列可能世界，而这些相关可能世界，会随着命题的改变而可以变化。

There are three main viewpoints in this paper: First, the split of shares is the endogenetic product from gradual reform strategy and the situation of financial resource endowment.

其主要命题和观点有三：第一，股权分置并不像大多数学者所认为的是当时市场经济与计划经济相互妥协的外生产物。

This chapter also makes it clear that this article take the monetary supply are endogenous in the economy.

这一命题是本文建立模型，考察货币政策操作对储蓄和投资影响的基础。

We shall there endeavour to establish the following propositions:-1. That the most ancient system in which the idea of blood-relationship was embodied, was the system of kinship through females only. 2. That the primitive groups were, or were assumed to be, homogenous. 3. That the system of kinship through females only tended to render the exogamous groups heterogeneous, and thus to supersede the system of capturing wives. 4. That in the advance from savagery the system of kinship through females only was succeeded by a system which acknowledged kinship through males also; and which, in most cases passed into a system which acknowledged kinship through males only. 5. That the system of kinship through males tended to rear up homogeneous groups, and thus to restore the original condition of affairs- wher the exogamous prejudice survived- as regards both the practice of capturing wives and the evolution of the form of capture. 6. That a local tribe, under the combined influence of exogamy and the system of female kinship, might attain a balance of persons of different sexes regarded as being of different descent, and that thus its members might be able to intermarry with the principle of exogamy. 7. That a local tribe, having reached this stage and grown proud through success in war, might decline intermarriage with other local tribes and become a caste.

我们将明确一下命题：1、大部分包括血统联系观念的古代体系是只通过女系计算血族关系的体系。2、原始群是或被假定是纯系的。3、只按女系计算血族关系的系统倾向于实行异类群的外婚制，并因而取代盗妻的体系。4、从只按女系计算血族关系的野蛮系统发展来的高级系统为也承认通过父系计算血族关系的系统所继承。5、通过父系计算血族关系的系统往往跃回均质的群体，并且因此恢复到事情的原始状态——外婚的偏执得以幸存——被认为既是实行盗妻的又是从盗妻发展的。6、一个本地部落在外婚制和女系血族关系的联合影响下，可能达到被认为不同世系的不同性别人们的平衡，而且因此成员可能得以按外婚原则通婚。7、到达这一阶段而且通过胜利的战争获得自豪的本地部落，可能拒绝与本地部落的联姻而变成世袭种姓。

We shall there endeavour to establish the following propositions:-1. That the most ancient system in which the idea of blood-relationship was embodied, was the system of kinship through females only. 2. That the primitive groups were, or were assumed to be, homogenous. 3. That the system of kinship through females only tended to render the exogamous groups heterogeneous, and thus to supersede the system of capturing wives. 4. That in the advance from savagery the system of kinship through females only was succeeded by a system which acknowledged kinship through males also; and which, in most cases passed into a system which acknowledged kinship through males only. 5. That the system of kinship through males tended to rear up homogeneous groups, and thus to restore the original condition of affairs- where the exogamous prejudice survived- as regards both the practice of capturing wives and the evolution of the form of capture. 6. That a local tribe, under the combined influence of exogamy and the system of female kinship, might attain a balance of persons of different sexes regarded as being of different descent, and that thus its members might be able to intermarry with the principle of exogamy. 7. That a local tribe, having reached this stage and grown proud through success in war, might decline intermarriage with other local tribes and become a caste.

我们将明确一下命题：1、大部分包括血统联系观念的古代体系是只通过女系计算血族关系的体系。2、原始群是或被假定是纯系的。3、只按女系计算血族关系的系统倾向于实行异类群的外婚制，并因而取代盗妻的体系。4、从只按女系计算血族关系的野蛮系统发展来的高级系统为也承认通过父系计算血族关系的系统所继承。5、通过父系计算血族关系的系统往往跃回均质的群体，并且因此恢复到事情的原始状态——外婚的偏执得以幸存——被认为既是实行盗妻的又是从盗妻发展的。6、一个本地部落在外婚制和女系血族关系的联合影响下，可能达到被认为不同世系的不同性别人们的平衡，而且因此成员可能得以按外婚原则通婚。7、到达这一阶段而且通过胜利的战争获得自豪的本地部落，可能拒绝与本地部落的联姻而变成世袭种姓。

Do you know, i need you to come back

你知道吗，我需要你回来

Yang yinshu、Wang xiangsheng、Li decang,The first discovery of haemaphysalis conicinna.

1〕 杨银书，王祥生，李德昌。安徽省首次发现嗜群血蜱。