包括在外的

In additon to historical kinds of ethnos, there is still other types of ethnical community, for example: supra-ethnical community.

或「民族共同体」。但由於氏族是外婚制，所以氏族并不包括在民族的一种。

The invention relates to a nut (10) comprising an outer body (16) with an axial passage (22), an inner body which can be movably placed in the passage along an axial direction and which is divided along said axial direction into at least two jaws (18, 20), each jaw bearing an inner thread segment (24) on its radial inner surface, first guiding means (26) located on the outer body, as well as second guiding means (30) located on the jaws and co-operating with the first guiding means so that the jaws are radially displaced towards the exterior when the outer body is displaced in the unscrewing direction relatively to the inner body et radially displaced towards the inside when the outer body is displaced in the screwing direction relatively to the inner body.

本发明涉及一种螺母(10)，它包括：一个带轴向通孔(22)的外体(16)；一个内体，位于通孔(22)中，可沿轴向移动，并且沿所述的轴向方向至少分成两个滑块(18、20)，它们各自在其径向的内表面上具有内螺纹部分(24)。在外体上有第一导向装置(26)，同样滑块上有第二导向装置(30)，第二导向装置与第一导向装置共同起作用，所以，当外体相对于内体沿旋松方向作相对滑移时，滑块径向地向外滑移，并且，如果外体相对于内体沿拧紧的方向滑移，则滑块径向地向内滑移。

While they may logically be included in the prolegomena of dogmatic theology, they rather belong, the one to the province of Scripture-study, the other to the tract of moral theology dealing with the theological virtues.

虽然他们可能在逻辑上被包括在prolegomena的教条式的神学，而不是他们所属的，一省的经文学习外，其他向道的道德神学与神学美德。

In a first aspect, this invention provides a surface-mount inductive loop detector including: a pad having encased therein an inductive loop which is adapted for connection to an external electronic controller device; said pad being fixed within a hardened, bevelled peripheral edge that is provided with means for fixing the pad to a surface.

在第一方面，本发明提供一种表面安装感应环检测器，包括：垫，该垫具有被封装在其内的感应环，该感应环适用于连接到外部电子控制器设备；所述垫被固定在已硬化的、倾斜外周缘内，该外周缘设有用于把该垫固定到表面的装置。

We shall there endeavour to establish the following propositions:-1. That the most ancient system in which the idea of blood-relationship was embodied, was the system of kinship through females only. 2. That the primitive groups were, or were assumed to be, homogenous. 3. That the system of kinship through females only tended to render the exogamous groups heterogeneous, and thus to supersede the system of capturing wives. 4. That in the advance from savagery the system of kinship through females only was succeeded by a system which acknowledged kinship through males also; and which, in most cases passed into a system which acknowledged kinship through males only. 5. That the system of kinship through males tended to rear up homogeneous groups, and thus to restore the original condition of affairs- wher the exogamous prejudice survived- as regards both the practice of capturing wives and the evolution of the form of capture. 6. That a local tribe, under the combined influence of exogamy and the system of female kinship, might attain a balance of persons of different sexes regarded as being of different descent, and that thus its members might be able to intermarry with the principle of exogamy. 7. That a local tribe, having reached this stage and grown proud through success in war, might decline intermarriage with other local tribes and become a caste.

我们将明确一下命题：1、大部分包括血统联系观念的古代体系是只通过女系计算血族关系的体系。2、原始群是或被假定是纯系的。3、只按女系计算血族关系的系统倾向于实行异类群的外婚制，并因而取代盗妻的体系。4、从只按女系计算血族关系的野蛮系统发展来的高级系统为也承认通过父系计算血族关系的系统所继承。5、通过父系计算血族关系的系统往往跃回均质的群体，并且因此恢复到事情的原始状态——外婚的偏执得以幸存——被认为既是实行盗妻的又是从盗妻发展的。6、一个本地部落在外婚制和女系血族关系的联合影响下，可能达到被认为不同世系的不同性别人们的平衡，而且因此成员可能得以按外婚原则通婚。7、到达这一阶段而且通过胜利的战争获得自豪的本地部落，可能拒绝与本地部落的联姻而变成世袭种姓。

We shall there endeavour to establish the following propositions:-1. That the most ancient system in which the idea of blood-relationship was embodied, was the system of kinship through females only. 2. That the primitive groups were, or were assumed to be, homogenous. 3. That the system of kinship through females only tended to render the exogamous groups heterogeneous, and thus to supersede the system of capturing wives. 4. That in the advance from savagery the system of kinship through females only was succeeded by a system which acknowledged kinship through males also; and which, in most cases passed into a system which acknowledged kinship through males only. 5. That the system of kinship through males tended to rear up homogeneous groups, and thus to restore the original condition of affairs- where the exogamous prejudice survived- as regards both the practice of capturing wives and the evolution of the form of capture. 6. That a local tribe, under the combined influence of exogamy and the system of female kinship, might attain a balance of persons of different sexes regarded as being of different descent, and that thus its members might be able to intermarry with the principle of exogamy. 7. That a local tribe, having reached this stage and grown proud through success in war, might decline intermarriage with other local tribes and become a caste.

我们将明确一下命题：1、大部分包括血统联系观念的古代体系是只通过女系计算血族关系的体系。2、原始群是或被假定是纯系的。3、只按女系计算血族关系的系统倾向于实行异类群的外婚制，并因而取代盗妻的体系。4、从只按女系计算血族关系的野蛮系统发展来的高级系统为也承认通过父系计算血族关系的系统所继承。5、通过父系计算血族关系的系统往往跃回均质的群体，并且因此恢复到事情的原始状态——外婚的偏执得以幸存——被认为既是实行盗妻的又是从盗妻发展的。6、一个本地部落在外婚制和女系血族关系的联合影响下，可能达到被认为不同世系的不同性别人们的平衡，而且因此成员可能得以按外婚原则通婚。7、到达这一阶段而且通过胜利的战争获得自豪的本地部落，可能拒绝与本地部落的联姻而变成世袭种姓。

This paper therefore examines the development of "the folklore Pai-Chang of Peking opera aria in Tainan city" through literature review depth-interview oral history and participant observation The concept frame is culture organism as the vertical axle and elements of a folklore activity as the transverse axle There are several significant findings about the general picture of this subject: During the late period of Japanese colonial era Tainan local people who played Peguan music learned Peking opera aria and tried to bring Peking opera aria into the folklore Pai-Chang which was one kind performance and traditional custom of Peguan music Some people who came from other places and played Peking opera aria had also known or learned "Pai-Chang" with touching Tainan local amateurs "Pai-Chang" used to be performed by amateurs for worship of god or goddess or for seasoning and wedding celebration without rewards Amateurs volunteered to perform "Pai-Chang" only for their duty temples and fraternity of Peking opera aria The majority of the audience is people who perform or like "Pai-Chang" or who live nearby There is a fixed pattern of the performance including the repertoire and the arrangement of the band The main meaning of this performace is to pray God's blessings therefore the procedure of "Ban-Hsian" is the most essential and ahead of Peking opera aria singing With time goes by the number of the amateurs has dropped; yet the demand for the worship ceremony remains; hence some of the amateurs have been trained to become professional performers Besides although the idea and the meaning of "Pai-Chang" remains the pattern of the performance has become simplified and rigid which is because of the performers' number decreasing and market adapting Nowadays the whole ecosystem of the folklore Pai-Chang of Peking opera aria in Tainan city keep changing which is mainly influenced by the transition of the society(such as the time and space of the industrial and commercial society being compressed and most people's pursuing of specialization and utilitarianism etc ) According to the findings in this paper the phenomenon can be regarded as the subject matter both of Peking opera and folklore studies For the studies of the Taiwanese culture however the subject not only enriches the subject matters of the Taiwanese culture(signifies the localization of Peking opera and a new pattern of Taiwanese folklore) but also reflects the characters of diversification integration adaptation and compromise of Taiwanese culture which used to be influenced by different regimes and the historical contexts Facing such a multicultural context this paper thus suggests researchers should show an open-minded attitude toward the complex of the Taiwanese culture studies and then important phenomenon would not be ignored or misunderstood

代表了什麼意义？对於上述疑惑，查既有研究成果，不消没有论述者，具体提即「京调排场」现象的可说没有，基於此，有必要对台南市及其周边之民俗性京调排场，不管是语汇来由或者其现象本身，做一番研究。本研究透过文献、访谈、口述史、参与观察等方法，以文化有机体之纵的发展概念为经，以民俗表演之横切面各主客要素为纬，试图先对此文化现象调查并推论出一概貌：台南市民俗性京调排场的形成，是在京调传入台南，台南本地北管子弟改习或兼习京调后，结合北管音乐文化所固有的排场表演型态及民俗演出传统，融合而成，形成时间至迟在日治晚期。而一些不同时期的外来京调人士(如原本生长於其他地区、后移住台湾的票友，和中国大陆琴师等等)，也曾透过与当地子弟的接触，而习得或知晓「排场」语汇以及本地京调排场习俗者。此项音乐民俗表演在过往多由业余子弟於神诞或民众婚俗做寿时，对其有义务或交陪的庙宇及子弟间做酬酢性的演出，不收报酬；聆赏者多是京调同好与邻近民众，也有少数路过者；演出模式包括节目安排、乐队编制皆有一定；表演意涵上以「扮仙」祈求神明赐福人间最为重要，因此排仙必不可少，且一定先於京调演唱。随著时间推移，京调排场表演活动的各要素都有变动，惟变迁速度不一，大体而言，业余表演者锐减，人们对酬神娱神节目的需求仍在，因此一些过往的业余表演者遂逐渐转型为职业表演者。此外，虽然表演意涵不变，但在职业表演人员少、又要适应市场的情况下，表演模式亦逐渐流於简化、僵化。目前京调排场整体生态仍在转变的过程中，而这种变化应与工商社会时间空间的被压缩、事事追求专业化与尼Q化等因素有关。再者，据此概貌，在结论部分厘清其意义、定位以及其对台湾文化研究之启示。台南市及其周边之民俗性京调排场现象，可视为京剧研究与民俗研究的一环，然而对於台湾文化研究，除了其题材本身标志了京剧的本土化与台湾民俗活动之新类型，进一步扩充整体台湾文化研究的内容外，更重要的是现象背后所反映的台湾文化的多元融合与妥协适应取向。台湾的海岛地理位置与长期被不同文化背景政权所殖民的历史，其文化自然容易随社会环境改变而弹性适应变迁，呈现多元纷呈、多重覆叠的特色，因此展望未来，从事台湾文化研究应秉除单一观点，保持一定程度之开放与客观胸襟，方不忽视或误识更多重要的文化现象。

The reasons for false-positive facet blocks are multifactorial and include placebo response (18–32%) to diagnostic facet interventions, use of sedation, the liberal use of superficial LA, and the spread of injectate to paingenerating structures other than those targeted.166 Although some investigators have disputed this assertion,167,168 it is our belief that not only opioids, but sedatives such as midazolam, can lead to false-positive blocks by interfering with the interpretation of analgesic response (i.e., preventing a patient from engaging in normal activities) and virtue of their muscle relaxant properties.169 In a recent survey conducted in 500 patients receiving facet blocks or epidurals at an outpatient spine center, only 17% requested sedation.170

小关节阻滞性诊断的假阳性结果的原因是多种多样的，包括安慰剂反应(18–32%)，如利用镇静剂，浅表大量应用LA以及注射液外渗到目标外的其他疼痛发生阻滞。虽然有些学者对这种论断持怀疑态度，但是我们认为不论类罂粟碱，咪达唑仑等镇静剂，都可因具有麻醉反应（如可阻止患者从事正常活动）及肌松特点而导致假阳性率。在最近一项500人的研究中，这些门诊患者接受了小关节阻滞或硬膜外阻滞，只有17%患者需要镇静剂。

This week you must pay extra attention to your behaviour, especially at home but outside of it as well.

本周你必须特别注意下自己的行为，尤其是在家中，当然也包括在外时的表现。

A magnetic source and condenser for protecting a pipe, ionizing any fluid flowing therein, and ionizing any dissolved and suspended solids in such fluid, comprising:a magnetic source including a magnet having a pair of opposed planar major faces and a planar minor face extending between said major faces and perpendicular to said major faces,said magnet being charged so that one of said major faces is a south pole and the other of said major faces is a north pole,a magnetic condenser a pair of pole pieces, each of said pole pieces having a pair of opposed planar major faces, one of which is an inner major face and the other of which is an outer major face, the area of said inner major faces being equal to that of the major faces of said magnet, the area of said outer major face being larger than each of said major faces of said magnet,said pole pieces being positioned on opposite sides of said magnet such that said pole pieces sandwich said magnet, said inner major face of each pole piece is contiguous with and completely covers an entire major face of said magnet, and said outer major face of each pole piece faces away from said magnet,each pole piece having an integral foot extending perpendicularly to said inner major face of each pole piece such that said pole pieces have two respective integral feet which extend toward each other and are substantially coplanar, each foot having a distal and a proximal surface with respect to said magnet, each foot having an end which is spaced from the end of the opposite foot,said distal surface of each foot having a predetermined concave curvature which will conformingly mate with an outside surface of a pipe having a predetermined convex curvature,said proximal surface of each foot being contiguous with said minor face of said magnet

我要求： 1。一台磁性来源和冷凝器为保护管子，电离任何流体流动在其中，和电离任何被溶化的和暂停的固体在这样的流体里，包括：一个磁性来源包括磁铁有一对被反对的平面主要面孔和一张平面较小面孔延伸在前述主要面孔和垂线之间对前述主要面孔，前述磁铁被充电以便前述主要面孔的当中一个是南极并且其他前述主要面孔是北极，一台磁性冷凝器每对杆片断，每个前述杆片断有一对被反对的平面主要面孔，其中之一比每个是是一张外面主要面孔的一张内在主要面孔和其他，前述内在主要面孔区域是相等的与那前述磁铁，前述外面主要面孔区域的主要面孔大的前述磁铁的前述主要面孔，前述杆片断被安置在前述磁铁的反面这样，前述杆片断三明治认为磁铁，各个杆片断的前述内在主要面孔是接触的与和完全地包括前述磁铁的一张整个主要面孔，和各个杆片断面孔的前述外面主要面孔从前述磁铁，各个杆片断有一只缺一不可的脚垂直地延伸对各个杆片断的前述内在主要面孔这样，前述杆片断有延伸往彼此和极大地coplanar 的二各自缺一不可的英尺，各只脚有末端和接近表面谈到前述磁铁，各只脚有被间隔从相反脚的末端的末端，各只脚前述末端表面有与管子一个外表面conformingly 将联接有被预先决定的凸面曲度的被预先决定的凹面曲度，各只脚前述接近表面是接触的与前述磁铁的前述较小面孔

In the negative and interrogative forms, of course, this is identical to the non-emphatic forms.

。但是，在否定句或疑问句里，这种带有"do"的方法表达的效果却没有什么强调的意思。

Go down on one's knees;kneel down

屈膝跪下。。。下跪祈祷