乡村的

It was not simple a source of power, it was a new wave of movement.

水在乡村里到处涌流漫溢，它不仅仅是一种能源，还能带来了新的运动。

The third and fourth chapters, as the second part, address the rural tourism market system and management

第三、四两章为第二部分，提出解决目前乡村旅游就业问题的市场系统与管理模式。

I also want to go to the adjacent country side if my schedule allows.

如果时间允许我也想去周边的乡村地区。

I love the quiet, Aetna and beautiful countryside of the night.

我爱静谧、安泰和美好的乡村之夜。

Moreover, Yangge also inseparably relates to village agnation, religion, grade and feast amusement.

此外，秧歌还与乡村宗族关系、宗教信仰、等级制度、节令娱乐有着密不可分的渊源和纽结。

Results: Normal university students got higher self-expectation scores of firmness, frankness, candidness and enterprise, lower scores of slovenliness, quietness and dressiness. Their gender partners were expected to be very allowable, firm, family-oriented, magnanimous and candid, not to be too slovenly, quiet and dressy. Male students were expected to be strong and enterprising, female being kind, quiet, dressy and lovingly. Students from cities got significantly（P＜0.05,P＜0.001＝higher self-expectation scores of kindness and dressiness than those from countryside. They expected their gender partner to be stronger, more cool-minded and enterprising significantly（P＜0.05,P＜0.01,P＜0.001＝than students from countryside. Liberal arts majors had significantly self-expectation scores of magnanimity and family value（P＜0.05＝than those of science majors. Sophomore's self-expectation of firmness, frankness and braveness was significantly（P＜0.05＝higher than that of freshmen and junior.

结果：师范大学生对意志坚强、爽快、坦率、事业心的自我期望值较高，对不修边幅、文静和爱打扮的自我期望值较低，对异性在体谅、意志坚强、家庭性、有度量、坦率等方面的期望值较高，不修边幅、文静和爱打扮期望值较低；男女生均对男生的强壮和事业心，对女生的善良温柔、文静、爱打扮和可爱性有较高期望；城镇来源学生对善良温柔和爱打扮的自我角色期望显著地高于乡村来源学生（P＜0.05，P＜0.001＝，他们对异性在沉着、事业心和强壮上的期望也显著高于乡村来源学生（P＜0.05，P＜0.01，P＜0.001＝；文科学生对有量度和家庭性的自我期望显著高于理科学生（P＜0.05＝；大二学生对意志坚强、爽快和勇敢的自我期望高于大三和大一学生（P＜0.05）。

This study describes the multi-facet systematic evolution of the said rural community from 1907 to 2007: from the perspective of ethnic culture, it has changed from a single ethnic cultural community of Yoghur(Ethnic Yugur\'s self-name) ethnic group into a multi-ethnic cultural community with Yoghur ethnic group as the dominating majority and embracing the ethnic groups of Han, Tibetan, Tu, Mongolian and Kazak; from the perspective of language, it has changed from a community where Yoghur and Tibetan languages dominated with the local Chinese dialect and the written Chinese language as the subordinate into one where the local Chinese dialect and the written Chinese language dominate with the Yoghur language as the subordinate; in the perspective of marriage and heirship system, from a parallel operation of two systems (patrilineal heirship for official marriages and matrilineal heirship system for matrimonial forms through the head-wearing ceremony) to monogamy and patrilineal heirship; in the perspective of means of living, from animal husbandry complemented with hand knitting and camel caravan transporting to agricultural farming complemented with animal husbandry and many others; in the perspective of social organization, from a traditional tribe to a modern country society; in the perspective of political system and social management, from the customs-authority management which combined the dominating headman hereditary system under the tribal union of an imperial dynasty and the subordinating elite influence, to the resource-interest management of party-government departmental system under the ethnic minority autonomy of a nation state; in the perspective of religious faith, from a coexistence of the Gelug Tibetan Buddhism and Shamanism and the devout ancestor worship to the currently prevalent ancestor worship with religions declining and faith weakening; in the perspective of education, from the local-knowledge-oriented education to an official-knowledge-oriented education, in which modern schooling has become the major educational organization instead of the former traditional temple education; the school has replaced the temple as the "knowledge-culture" communication center; at least in the minds of the local people the central role of family education during the children\'s cultural development has also been replaced by schooling.

本研究描述了1907～2007年间，这个乡村社区的多面向的系统变迁：从族群文化的角度而言，从一个以尧乎尔为绝对主体的单一族群文化社区转变为一个以尧乎尔为主体的、有汉、藏、土、蒙古、哈萨克等组成的多元族群文化社区；从语言文字的角度而言，从一个以尧乎尔语和藏文为主，以汉语方言和汉文为辅的社区转变为一个以汉语方言和汉文为主，以尧乎尔语为辅的社区；从婚姻与继嗣制度的角度而言，从一个双系并行(明媒正娶婚行父系继嗣制度，帐房戴头婚行母系继嗣制度)的社区转变为行一夫一妻制和父系继嗣制度的社区；从生计方式的角度看，从一个以畜牧业生产为主，以手工编织和驼队运输为辅的社区转变为一个以农业为主，以牧业为辅的、多种生计方式并存的社区；从社会组织的形态而言，从一个传统部落社会转变为一个现代乡村社会；从政治制度和社会控制的角度而言，从帝制王朝的部落联盟制下头目世袭制为主，户族精英为辅的习俗—权威型控制方式转变为一个民族-国家中民族区域自治制度下以党政科层制的资源—利益型控制方式；从宗教信仰的角度而言，从一个格鲁派藏传佛教和萨满教并存，祖先崇拜之风甚烈的社区转变为寺庙衰落、信仰淡化、惟祖先崇拜仍广为流行的社区；从教育的角度而言，从一个以地方知识教育为主的社区转变为一个以官方知识教育为主的社区，现代学校教育取代了传统寺庙教育成为社区的主要教育组织形式，学校取代寺庙成为"知识—文化"传播的中心，在青少年儿童的文化成长过程中，家庭教养扮演的中心角色，至少在乡民的观念上被学校教育替代。

The new county system sport of 1940s was a large-scale and grass-roots political power developments that pushed . the result of Guangdong skeleton regime construction was the establishment of town village - two grass-roots regimes, but because of lacking of persons in wartime and outlay , skeleton regime construction did not realize the expecting programming and design ;the popular will organ couldn"t have an impact on the town and village administrative body, the county government became the only conductor."the region autonomy had not appeared. The town and village regime is still a regime under the control of landlord or country gentlement social class.

20世纪40年代的新县制运动是国民党在"地方自治"的旗号下推行的一次大规模的基层政权建设运动，新县制下广东基层政权建设的结果是在县以下乡村社会设立了乡、保两级行政机构；但由于战时广东人才缺乏、经费紧张，规划设计的民意机关只在形式上的建立起来，乡、保民意机关对乡、保行政机构没有能够发挥应有的指挥、监督作用，县政府成为体制内乡、保各级政权唯一的领导者与监督者，"地方自治"未能实现，乡、保基层政权依然是乡村乡绅地主阶级的政权。

Liu Xing-long, writer of Hubei province, his fictions have distinct Taoist cultural meanings,which involves four aspects: enjoying the simple local civilization, detesting the modern civilization which dissimilates human nature, manifesting lenient ethical concept and adoring feminine.

摘 要：湖北作家刘醒龙的小说中内蕴着鲜明的道家文化取向，而这种文化取向贯穿在他的乡村、乡镇与都市工业题材的小说之中，主要体现在四个方面：对自然素朴的乡村文明的追慕、对异化人性的现代文明的厌弃、宽容因顺的道德观和女性崇拜。

This study describes the multi-facet systematic evolution of the said rural community from 1907 to 2007: from the perspective of ethnic culture, it has changed from a single ethnic cultural community of Yoghur(Ethnic Yugur\'s self-name) ethnic group into a multi-ethnic cultural community with Yoghur ethnic group as the dominating majority and embracing the ethnic groups of Han, Tibetan, Tu, Mongolian and Kazak; from the perspective of language, it has changed from a community where Yoghur and Tibetan languages dominated with the local Chinese dialect and the written Chinese language as the subordinate into one where the local Chinese dialect and the written Chinese language dominate with the Yoghur language as the subordinate; in the perspective of marriage and heirship system, from a parallel operation of two systems (patrilineal heirship for official marriages and matrilineal heirship system for matrimonial forms through the head-wearing ceremony) to monogamy and patrilineal heirship; in the perspective of means of living, from animal husbandry complemented with hand knitting and camel caravan transporting to agricultural farming complemented with animal husbandry and many others; in the perspective of social organization, from a traditional tribe to a modern country society; in the perspective of political system and social management, from the customs-authority management which combined the dominating headman hereditary system under the tribal union of an imperial dynasty and the subordinating elite influence, to the resource-interest management of party-government departmental system under the ethnic minority autonomy of a nation state; in the perspective of religious faith, from a coexistence of the Gelug Tibetan Buddhism and Shamanism and the devout ancestor worship to the currently prevalent ancestor worship with religions declining and faith weakening; in the perspective of education, from the local-knowledge-oriented education to an official-knowledge-oriented education, in which modern schooling has become the major educational organization instead of the former traditional temple education; the school has replaced the temple as the "knowledge-culture" communication center; at least in the minds of the local people the central role of family education during the children\'s cultural development has also been replaced by schooling.

本研究描述了1907～2007年间，这个乡村社区的多面向的系统变迁：从族群文化的角度而言，从一个以尧乎尔为绝对主体的单一族群文化社区转变为一个以尧乎尔为主体的、有汉、藏、土、蒙古、哈萨克等组成的多元族群文化社区；从语言文字的角度而言，从一个以尧乎尔语和藏文为主，以汉语方言和汉文为辅的社区转变为一个以汉语方言和汉文为主，以尧乎尔语为辅的社区；从婚姻与继嗣制度的角度而言，从一个双系并行(明媒正娶婚行父系继嗣制度，帐房戴头婚行母系继嗣制度)的社区转变为行一夫一妻制和父系继嗣制度的社区；从生计方式的角度看，从一个以畜牧业生产为主，以手工编织和驼队运输为辅的社区转变为一个以农业为主，以牧业为辅的、多种生计方式并存的社区；从社会组织的形态而言，从一个传统部落社会转变为一个现代乡村社会；从政治制度和社会控制的角度而言，从帝制王朝的部落联盟制下头目世袭制为主，户族精英为辅的习俗—权威型控制方式转变为一个民族-国家中民族区域自治制度下以党政科层制的资源—利益型控制方式；从宗教信仰的角度而言，从一个格鲁派藏传佛教和萨满教并存，祖先崇拜之风甚烈的社区转变为寺庙衰落、信仰淡化、惟祖先崇拜仍广为流行的社区；从教育的角度而言，从一个以地方知识教育为主的社区转变为一个以官方知识教育为主的社区，现代学校教育取代了传统寺庙教育成为社区的主要教育组织形式，学校取代寺庙成为&知识—文化&传播的中心，在青少年儿童的文化成长过程中，家庭教养扮演的中心角色，至少在乡民的观念上被学校教育替代。

The split between the two groups can hardly be papered over.

这两个团体间的分歧难以掩饰。

This approach not only encourages a greater number of responses, but minimizes the likelihood of stale groupthink.

这种做法不仅鼓励了更多的反应，而且减少跟风的可能性。