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From wardens to deaf-blind people, from enterprises to media, from Sun Li, Deng Chao to former basketball player Ma Jian, from Badminton world champion Gong Ruina, and Chess master Liu Xiaoguang to actor Liu Bin, He Bin, singer Tian Zhen and Fu Disheng couple, from Zhao Pu, Chunni to journalists in Beijing, from foreign students to foreign guests, from volunteer stations to tourist sites, from office buildings to Olympic stadiums, from busy streets to ordinary communities, over 100,000 people dressed in the same Olympic shirt hand printed by artists and celebrities, unfurling Chinese people's passion and hospitality by showing direction to foreign friends and so forth, without even language communication."Olympic Shirt Direction Guider" made up unique scenery from the city, warm praises came from central government, multi-media, business units and institutions, ordinary citizens, foreign friends, political leaders abroad, athletes and foreign media; massive media coverage from CCTV, Xinhua News Agency, People's Daily, Global Times, BTV, CRI, Top 3 Agencies, Beijing Youth, JB News Media, Southern City Daily, Big River, Xinmin Evening, Qian River Evening, Yangzi Evening, Chinese Merchants, Yanzhao Evening, Sina.com, Sohu.com, MSN.com, Chinanews.com, Phoenix TV, Takungpao, Lianhe Zaobao, China Times, New York Times, Mirror of Germany, Guardian of Britain, Europe Times of France, BBC, CNN and so on, all jointly promoted Beijing and Chinese people's friendly, hospitable image to the world.

上到区长下到聋哑百姓，从企业到媒体，从孙俪邓超到前篮球运动员马建，从世界羽毛球冠军龚睿娜、围棋大师刘晓光到演员刘斌和何冰、歌手田震和付笛声夫妇，从赵普春妮到京城媒体记者，从留学生到留学客，从志愿者站到旅游景点，从写字楼到奥运场馆，从繁华街道到普通社区，近10万人穿上一件由艺术家和社会名人手绘的地图"奥衫"，在不用语言交流的情况下，为初次来京的外国朋友指路，展现中国人的热情好客，"指路奥衫"成为奥运会期间京城一道独特的风景线，受到中央政府、媒体各界、企事单位、普通百姓、外国友人、国际政客、运动员、国外媒体等各行各业的大力赞赏；包括中央台、新华社、人民日报、环球时报、北京台、国际广播电台、国际三大社、北青报、京报集团下各大媒体、南都、大河报、新民晚报、钱江晚报、扬子晚报、华商报、燕赵晚报、新浪网、搜狐网、 MSN 网、中新网、凤凰卫视、香港大公报、联合早报、中国时报、纽约时报、德国镜报、英国卫报、法国欧洲时报、 BBC 、 CNN 等近百家国内外媒体大篇幅报道，将中国北京和中国人民的友好热情与良好形象推广到了全世界。

The influences of the shock thickness and Alfven waves on the particle acceleration by diffusive shock waves are numerically studied through solving one-dimensional diffusive equation including the second-order Fermi effect. It is shown that the spectral index of the energetic particles strongly depends on the shock thickness. For example, the spectral index increases from 2.1 to 3.7 in the low energy range of 3-10 MeV and from 2.5 to 5.0 in the high energy range of 20-60 MeV as the thickness increases. The spectral index decreases from 4.3 to 3.1 as the particle injection energy increases. The spectral index decreases from 4.0 to 1.8 at the quasi-steady stage with the enhancement of the compression ratio from 2 to 4. The results indicate that under the influence of Alfven waves, the energetic particle spectrum at lower energy becomes flat and the spectral index decreases from 2.5 to 0.6 in the low energy range of 3-10 MeV and from 11.6 to 5.0 in the high energy range of 20-60 MeV. At the same time, the rollover energy reaches 19.6 MeV. The spectral index decreases from 5.8 to 2.9 as the energy density of Alfven waves increase. All these results are basically consistent with the theoretical models, as well as the observations of typical energetic particle events.

通过数值求解包含二阶费米加速的一维扩散方程，探讨在准平行激波条件下激波厚度和级联阿尔芬波对粒子加速的影响，研究粒子分布函数的演化与激波厚度和阿尔芬波强度的内禀关系，计算结果表明：(1)考虑激波厚度时，谱指数明显依赖于激波厚度，随着厚度从0.32增大到2.56，低能端(3-10MeV)谱指数逐渐从2.1增加到3.7，高能端(20-60MeV)谱指数从2.4增大到5.0，能谱逐渐变软；当初始注入粒子动量增大1.3倍，质子能谱指数从4.3减小到3.1，且与零厚度激波加速的谱指数差值缩小；厚度不变时，随着压缩比从2增加到4，准稳态分布时低能端(3-10MeV)粒子能谱指数逐渐从4.0减小到1.8谱变硬；(2)在级联阿尔芬波的影响下，随着时间的增大，粒子在低能处(3-10MeV)的谱指数从2.5减小到0.6高能端(20-60MeV)谱指数从11.6减小到5.0，能谱变硬，拐点能量值从7.5MeV增大到为19.6MeV；随着波的能量密度增大，谱指数从5.8减小到2.9，这表明阿尔芬波强度越大，加速效率越高，通过与激波厚度解析结果和高能粒子事件的观测能谱比较发现两者是一致的，说明数值模拟结果是可靠的。

Allah, I ask you for constancy along the way and for resolution in walking the right path and thank you for your goodness and that I worship you in the best sense and I ask of you to give me good from everything you know and keep me from every evil you know and I ask you to forgive all my sins that you know for you are knowledgeable of all things and I ask of you security for me, my family, and all my companions and I seek refuge with you from every despot, from every deceiver and tyrant, from every wizard and every unjust person, from every envier and every traitor, from every conspirator and every enemy, from every one who rants and raves, from every trickster and every gloater and from everyone who conceals enmity from me.

真主啊，我求你一路坚定我的脚步，让我有决心走正路。感谢你的仁慈，我要确确实实的敬拜你，从一切你所知的事中求要好处，求你让我避开你所知的邪恶，宽恕你所知道的我所有的罪，因你是知晓一切的。我求你赐我，我得家人和一切的伙伴安全，向你求庇护，免受一切恶霸，欺诈者，暴虐之人，术士，不义之人，嫉妒者，叛徒，阴谋者，敌人，狂吼乱叫者，**，幸灾乐祸者和暗藏敌意者的伤害。

This study describes the multi-facet systematic evolution of the said rural community from 1907 to 2007: from the perspective of ethnic culture, it has changed from a single ethnic cultural community of Yoghur(Ethnic Yugur\'s self-name) ethnic group into a multi-ethnic cultural community with Yoghur ethnic group as the dominating majority and embracing the ethnic groups of Han, Tibetan, Tu, Mongolian and Kazak; from the perspective of language, it has changed from a community where Yoghur and Tibetan languages dominated with the local Chinese dialect and the written Chinese language as the subordinate into one where the local Chinese dialect and the written Chinese language dominate with the Yoghur language as the subordinate; in the perspective of marriage and heirship system, from a parallel operation of two systems (patrilineal heirship for official marriages and matrilineal heirship system for matrimonial forms through the head-wearing ceremony) to monogamy and patrilineal heirship; in the perspective of means of living, from animal husbandry complemented with hand knitting and camel caravan transporting to agricultural farming complemented with animal husbandry and many others; in the perspective of social organization, from a traditional tribe to a modern country society; in the perspective of political system and social management, from the customs-authority management which combined the dominating headman hereditary system under the tribal union of an imperial dynasty and the subordinating elite influence, to the resource-interest management of party-government departmental system under the ethnic minority autonomy of a nation state; in the perspective of religious faith, from a coexistence of the Gelug Tibetan Buddhism and Shamanism and the devout ancestor worship to the currently prevalent ancestor worship with religions declining and faith weakening; in the perspective of education, from the local-knowledge-oriented education to an official-knowledge-oriented education, in which modern schooling has become the major educational organization instead of the former traditional temple education; the school has replaced the temple as the "knowledge-culture" communication center; at least in the minds of the local people the central role of family education during the children\'s cultural development has also been replaced by schooling.

本研究描述了1907～2007年间，这个乡村社区的多面向的系统变迁：从族群文化的角度而言，从一个以尧乎尔为绝对主体的单一族群文化社区转变为一个以尧乎尔为主体的、有汉、藏、土、蒙古、哈萨克等组成的多元族群文化社区；从语言文字的角度而言，从一个以尧乎尔语和藏文为主，以汉语方言和汉文为辅的社区转变为一个以汉语方言和汉文为主，以尧乎尔语为辅的社区；从婚姻与继嗣制度的角度而言，从一个双系并行(明媒正娶婚行父系继嗣制度，帐房戴头婚行母系继嗣制度)的社区转变为行一夫一妻制和父系继嗣制度的社区；从生计方式的角度看，从一个以畜牧业生产为主，以手工编织和驼队运输为辅的社区转变为一个以农业为主，以牧业为辅的、多种生计方式并存的社区；从社会组织的形态而言，从一个传统部落社会转变为一个现代乡村社会；从政治制度和社会控制的角度而言，从帝制王朝的部落联盟制下头目世袭制为主，户族精英为辅的习俗—权威型控制方式转变为一个民族-国家中民族区域自治制度下以党政科层制的资源—利益型控制方式；从宗教信仰的角度而言，从一个格鲁派藏传佛教和萨满教并存，祖先崇拜之风甚烈的社区转变为寺庙衰落、信仰淡化、惟祖先崇拜仍广为流行的社区；从教育的角度而言，从一个以地方知识教育为主的社区转变为一个以官方知识教育为主的社区，现代学校教育取代了传统寺庙教育成为社区的主要教育组织形式，学校取代寺庙成为"知识—文化"传播的中心，在青少年儿童的文化成长过程中，家庭教养扮演的中心角色，至少在乡民的观念上被学校教育替代。

It expanded to 106119ha in 1973, descented to 99167ha in 1987, backed up to 112440ha, and attained the max value in history—123170ha in 1998 and descent to 109934ha again in 2001. GIS overlaying analysis shows that, the spatial change of Minqin Oasis had the different characteristics in different stage in the last 50 years: at the end of 50's to the beginning of 70%, oasis expandation Was performed by extension of origin oasis; the atrophia of oasis from the beginning from 70's to the 80's was performed by increasing of non-oasis spot pieces of inner part for oasis; the main performance of keeping on expanding of oasis from late 80's to late 90's is outside extension of Baqu oasis near the upper stream, with increased oasis area in interior of hungriness and increased area of non-cultivation in Huqu oasis in the north. From 1998 to 2001, opening up wideness in interior of hungriness continued, but hnngrinessization of oasis became worse. The oases in the Minqin Basin developed from small to large and back to small in terms of area changes, and from south to north then to south in terms of spatial changes.

绿洲分布图的GIS叠加覆盖分析表明，近50年来民勤绿洲的空间变化在不同阶段有不同的特征：50年代末至70年代初，绿洲扩展主要表现为已有绿洲的外延式扩大；70年代初至80年代后期的绿洲萎缩，主要表现为绿洲内部非绿洲斑块增加；80年代后期至90年代后期的持续扩展，主要表现为靠近上游的坝区绿洲向外围扩展和荒漠腹地绿洲面积的增加，而北部湖区绿洲弃耕面积不断扩大；98年至2001年，绿洲荒漠腹地的开荒还在继续，但湖区的绿洲荒漠化还在进一步加剧。50年来民勤绿洲的发展总体上经历了一个面积由小到大再到小，空间位置上从南而北再向南的迁移过程。

This study describes the multi-facet systematic evolution of the said rural community from 1907 to 2007: from the perspective of ethnic culture, it has changed from a single ethnic cultural community of Yoghur(Ethnic Yugur\'s self-name) ethnic group into a multi-ethnic cultural community with Yoghur ethnic group as the dominating majority and embracing the ethnic groups of Han, Tibetan, Tu, Mongolian and Kazak; from the perspective of language, it has changed from a community where Yoghur and Tibetan languages dominated with the local Chinese dialect and the written Chinese language as the subordinate into one where the local Chinese dialect and the written Chinese language dominate with the Yoghur language as the subordinate; in the perspective of marriage and heirship system, from a parallel operation of two systems (patrilineal heirship for official marriages and matrilineal heirship system for matrimonial forms through the head-wearing ceremony) to monogamy and patrilineal heirship; in the perspective of means of living, from animal husbandry complemented with hand knitting and camel caravan transporting to agricultural farming complemented with animal husbandry and many others; in the perspective of social organization, from a traditional tribe to a modern country society; in the perspective of political system and social management, from the customs-authority management which combined the dominating headman hereditary system under the tribal union of an imperial dynasty and the subordinating elite influence, to the resource-interest management of party-government departmental system under the ethnic minority autonomy of a nation state; in the perspective of religious faith, from a coexistence of the Gelug Tibetan Buddhism and Shamanism and the devout ancestor worship to the currently prevalent ancestor worship with religions declining and faith weakening; in the perspective of education, from the local-knowledge-oriented education to an official-knowledge-oriented education, in which modern schooling has become the major educational organization instead of the former traditional temple education; the school has replaced the temple as the "knowledge-culture" communication center; at least in the minds of the local people the central role of family education during the children\'s cultural development has also been replaced by schooling.

本研究描述了1907～2007年间，这个乡村社区的多面向的系统变迁：从族群文化的角度而言，从一个以尧乎尔为绝对主体的单一族群文化社区转变为一个以尧乎尔为主体的、有汉、藏、土、蒙古、哈萨克等组成的多元族群文化社区；从语言文字的角度而言，从一个以尧乎尔语和藏文为主，以汉语方言和汉文为辅的社区转变为一个以汉语方言和汉文为主，以尧乎尔语为辅的社区；从婚姻与继嗣制度的角度而言，从一个双系并行(明媒正娶婚行父系继嗣制度，帐房戴头婚行母系继嗣制度)的社区转变为行一夫一妻制和父系继嗣制度的社区；从生计方式的角度看，从一个以畜牧业生产为主，以手工编织和驼队运输为辅的社区转变为一个以农业为主，以牧业为辅的、多种生计方式并存的社区；从社会组织的形态而言，从一个传统部落社会转变为一个现代乡村社会；从政治制度和社会控制的角度而言，从帝制王朝的部落联盟制下头目世袭制为主，户族精英为辅的习俗—权威型控制方式转变为一个民族-国家中民族区域自治制度下以党政科层制的资源—利益型控制方式；从宗教信仰的角度而言，从一个格鲁派藏传佛教和萨满教并存，祖先崇拜之风甚烈的社区转变为寺庙衰落、信仰淡化、惟祖先崇拜仍广为流行的社区；从教育的角度而言，从一个以地方知识教育为主的社区转变为一个以官方知识教育为主的社区，现代学校教育取代了传统寺庙教育成为社区的主要教育组织形式，学校取代寺庙成为&知识—文化&传播的中心，在青少年儿童的文化成长过程中，家庭教养扮演的中心角色，至少在乡民的观念上被学校教育替代。

In the space, along with increased distance from the main ore-controlling structures, the frequency of P type of pyrite and their thermoelectricity also decreased gradually. Within one lode, from the upper to the lower parts of an ore body, the vertical change of pyrite in thermoelectricity as the follows:① when the ore body is stable, that is when the ore body is uniformly and continuously mineralized, the Dp andαvalues keep increased from shallow to deeper parts;② when an ore body is discontinuously mineralized, the Dp andαvalues have a wavy increasing tendency from the shallow to the deeper;③ when the deeper part of an ore body contains abundant, Co and Ni high mafic dykes, the Dp andαvalues of pyrite decreased from the shallow to the deeper parts of an ore body, that is, an reversed zoning of pyrite thermoelectricity occurs for pyrite in this situation contain more Ni and Co and belongs to N type.④ For the deposits hosted in the Archean metamorphic rocks, because all of the pyrite in this case is N-type, the vertical change of pyrite is not featured by the transition of pyrite type, but by the increased values of Vnp and α from the shallow to deeper parts of an ore body.

在空间域上，水平分带规律为：随远离主干断裂，矿脉中P型的出现频率逐渐降低或热电系数值逐渐变小；在同一条矿脉中，这是由于矿化不均匀性及脉岩的影响，由矿体的上部到下部，它的垂向变化特征可以有如下几种变化形式：①由矿体的浅部到深部，黄铁矿的Dp值、或α值呈稳定升高的趋势时，矿体往往表现为矿化均匀，连续性好、延伸稳定；②由浅部到深部，黄铁矿的Dp值、α值呈波状变化，但总体又具有增大的趋势时，所在的矿体连续性差；③当矿脉的下部发育有大量的基性脉岩时，由于基性脉岩中常含有较高的Co、Ni，使其中黄铁矿的Co、Ni含量较高而呈N型导电，由矿体的上部到下部，黄铁矿的Dp值、α值呈减少的趋势，而造成黄铁矿热电性特征的逆向分带，④产于太古代变质岩中的中深脉状金矿，由于其中的黄铁矿均为N型导电，所以垂向变化规律并不表现为导型的改变，只是Vnp值或α值从矿体的上部到下部由小变大。

Maugham stayed here, when it was the new posh hotel in Siam, right on the Chao Phraya river where they shipped the opium to and from port; I could imagine him dancing expertly in the little ballroom, for he was quite a swell, they say.

当它还是暹罗刚刚开张的一家高档宾馆时，毛姆就曾来此下榻过。酒店就坐落在Chao Phraya河上，鸦片就是由往来于各个口岸的船只运送到各地的。我不由得遥想当年他在狭小的舞厅里是如何翩翩起舞，因为他们都认为毛姆是个风流倜傥的家伙。

Based on the results, there is an increase in total emergy input from 1.126×10^22 to 1.661×10^22 seja(-1), with an ob-served increase in total emergy output from 5.002×10^20 to 1.383×10^22 seja^(-1) for 1952~2005. Ecological function potential drops from 54.08% to 37.02% and the basic population capacity increases from 199 400 to 315 100. Emergy self-support ratio drops from 74.58% to 54.13%, while emergy investment ratio increases from 34.0% to 85.0%. Emergy density increases from 1.34×10^11 to 1.97 ×10^11 sejm^(-2) and emergy/money ratio decreases from 4.93×10^14 to 1.81×10^13 sej$^(-1). There is an increase in environment load ratio and net energy yield ratio from 0.85 to 1.70 and from 0.18 to 1.82 respectively.

结果表明，1952~2005年期间，阿坝州农业生态系统总能值投入从1.126×10^22 seja^(-1)增加到1.661×10^22 seja^(-1)，总能值产出从5.002×10^20 seja^(-1)增加到1.383×10^22 seja^(-1)，生态功能潜力从54.08%下降到37.02%，人口基本承载力从19.94万人增加到31.51万人，能值自给率从74.58%下降到54.13%，能值投资率从34.0%上升到85.0%，能值密度从1.34×10^11 sejm^(-2)上升到1.97×10^11 sejm^(-2)，能值货币比率从4.93×10^14 sej$(-1)降低到1.81×10^13 sej$(-1)，环境负荷率从0.85上升到1.70，净能值产出率从0.18上升到1.82，可持续发展指数从0.20增加到1.07。

The city of Nuevo Laredo, the busiest border-crossing point for goods to and from the United States, is still without a police chief after two were murdered last year.

与美国进行贸易往来，最为繁忙的处于边境交叉点的城市Nuevo Laredo，自去年两位警察局长被谋杀后，那里的局长位置一直空缺。

Breath, muscle contraction of the buttocks; arch body, as far as possible to hold his head, right leg straight towards the ceiling (peg-leg knee in order to avoid muscle tension).

呼气，收缩臀部肌肉；拱起身体，尽量抬起头来，右腿伸直朝向天花板（膝微屈，以避免肌肉紧张）。

The cost of moving grain food products was unchanged from May, but year over year are up 8%.

粮食产品的运输费用与5月份相比没有变化，但却比去年同期高8％。