英语人>网络例句>liberty of the press 相关的网络例句
liberty of the press相关的网络例句

查询词典 liberty of the press

与 liberty of the press 相关的网络例句 [注:此内容来源于网络,仅供参考]

Offiziums "Lamentabili" vom 3 Juli, 1907 (1908); BROWNSON, Conversations on Liberalism and the Church (New York, 1869), reprinted in his Works, VII (Detroit, 1883-87), 305; MING, Data of Modern Ethics Examined (New York, 1897), x, xi; MANNING, Liberty of the Press in Essays, third series (London, 1892); BALMES, European Civilization (London, 1855), xxxiv, xxxv, lxvii; IDEM, Letters to a Sceptic tr.

offiziums " lamentabili " vom 3朱莉, 1907年( 1908年); brownson ,会话对自由主义和教会(纽约, 1869 ),重印在他的作品,第七章(底特律, 1883年至1887年), 305 ;明,数据的现代伦理研究(纽约, 1897年),十,十一;人手,自由的新闻界在散文,第三次系列(伦敦, 1892 ); balmes ,欧洲文明(伦敦, 1855年),第三十四,三十五, lxvii ;同上,写信给一sceptic

And no other definite line can be drawn between the inestimable liberty of the press and its demoralizing licentiousness.

而且在无价的媒体自由与其不道德的诽谤之间划出一条确定的界限不大可能。

No other definite line can be drawn between the inestimable liberty of the press and its demoralizing licentiousness.

在宝贵的新闻自由与败坏新闻道德之间,并无一条明确的界限。

To cherish peace and friendly intercourse with all nations having correspondent dispositions; to maintain sincere neutrality toward belligerent nations; to prefer in all cases amicable discussion and reasonable accommodation of differences to a decision of them by an appeal to arms; to exclude foreign intrigues and foreign partialities, so degrading to all countries and so baneful to free ones; to foster a spirit of independence too just to invade the rights of others, too proud to surrender our own, too liberal to indulge unworthy prejudices ourselves and too elevated not to look down upon them in others; to hold the union of the States as the basis of their peace and happiness; to support the Constitution, which is the cement of the Union, as well in its limitations as in its authorities; to respect the rights and authorities reserved to the States and to the people as equally incorporated with and essential to the success of the general system; to avoid the slightest interference with the right of conscience or the functions of religion, so wisely exempted from civil jurisdiction; to preserve in their full energy the other salutary provisions in behalf of private and personal rights, and of the freedom of the press; to observe economy in public expenditures; to liberate the public resources by an honorable discharge of the public debts; to keep within the requisite limits a standing military force, always remembering that an armed and trained militia is the firmest bulwark of republic that without standing armies their liberty can never be in danger, nor with large ones safe; to promote by authorized means improvements friendly to agriculture, to manufactures, and to external as well as internal commerce; to favor in like manner the advancement of science and the diffusion of information as the best aliment to true liberty; to carry on the benevolent plans which have been so meritoriously applied to the conversion of our aboriginal neighbors from the degradation, and wretchedness of savage life to a participation of the improvements of which the human mind and manners are susceptible in a civilized state, as far as sentiments, and intentions such as these can aid the fulfillment of my duty, they will be a resource with can not fail me.

珍惜和平以及同所有有交往意向的国家的友好交往;对交战各国保持真正中立;在任何情况下,优先考虑以友善的讨论和理性来处理异议,而非通过武力来做出决定;排除外国阴谋和外国偏颇,这些对所有国家都造成堕落,对自由国家更为有害;培养一种独立的精神,其之公正不会侵犯他人权利,其之自豪不会丢弃自身权利,其之宽大不使我们自己纵养不值的偏见,其之高尚使我们蔑视他人的这些偏见;把众州的联合保持为众州和平和幸福的基础,拥护作为联邦链结的宪法,不论是其限制或权力;尊重保留给各州和人民的权利,因为它的重要性把它平等地纳入联邦总体的成功之中;避免最轻微的对良知权利和宗教功能的干涉,这些在民事裁判中豁免;代表私人和个人的权利以及媒体自由,以其全部的能量来保留其它相关有益条款;在公共花费中坚持节约;通过偿还公共债务来解放公共资源;在必要的限度下保持一支常备军,时刻要记住武装并训练过的民兵才是共和国的中流砥柱,即是,没有常备军他们的自由从未有危险,而有了一支庞大军队也未必安全,通过授权的手段来发展有益于农业,制造业,对外和对内的商业,以适当的方式支持科学的发展和信息的传播来作为真正自由的最好食粮;执行善意的计划以把我们的土著邻居从,野蛮生活的低贱和不幸中转化到参加入一个文明国家内人的思维,和举止都倾向的改良中--只要如此的思想,和意图能辅助我职责的履行,它们将成为不使我失败的资本。

To cherish peace and friendly intercourse with all nations having correspondent dispositions; to maintain sincere neutrality toward belligerent nations; to prefer in all cases amicable discussion and reasonable accommodation of differences to a decision of them by an appeal to arms; to exclude foreign intrigues and foreign partialities, so degrading to all countries and so baneful to free ones; to foster a spirit of independence too just to invade the rights of others, too proud to surrender our own, too liberal to indulge unworthy prejudices ourselves and too elevated not to look down upon them in others; to hold the union of the States as the basis of their peace and happiness; to support the Constitution, which is the cement of the Union, as well in its limitations as in its authorities; to respect the rights and authorities reserved to the States and to the people as equally incorporated with and essential to the success of the general system; to avoid the slightest interference with the right of conscience or the functions of religion, so wisely exempted from civil jurisdiction; to preserve in their full energy the other salutary provisions in behalf of private and personal rights, and of the freedom of the press; to observe economy in public expenditures; to liberate the public resources by an honorable discharge of the public debts; to keep within the requisite limits a standing military force, always remembering that an armed and trained militia is the firmest bulwark of republics——that without standing armies their liberty can never be in danger, nor with large ones safe; to promote by authorized means improvements friendly to agriculture, to manufactures, and to external as well as internal commerce; to favor in like manner the advancement of science and the diffusion of information as the best aliment to true liberty; to carry on the benevolent plans which have been so meritoriously applied to the conversion of our aboriginal neighbors from the degradation and wretchedness of savage life to a participation of the improvements of which the human mind and manners are susceptible in a civilized state——as far as sentiments and intentions such as these can aid the fulfillment of my duty, they will be a resource which can not fail me.

我认为应珍视与所有志同道合的国家的和平相处和友好往来;对所有交战国则保持真诚的中立;在任何情况下,对分歧都应采取友善的协商和理智的调停,而不能诉诸武力加以解决;来自国外的种种阴谋诡计和对外国的偏袒不公,对任何国家来说都是卑下可鄙的,对自由国家则更是危害非浅,故应予以摒弃;要培育一种独立的精神,这种精神非常公正而不会侵犯他人的权利,非常自尊而不会放弃我们自己的权利,非常开明而不耽溺于我们自己毫无价值的偏见,非常高尚而必然鄙弃他人抱有的偏见;要把各州的团结作为我们和平与幸福的基础;要拥护作为联邦凝聚剂的宪法,不仅维护它的权威,而且遵从它的限制;要尊重保留给各州和保留给人民的各项权利和权力,这对整个制度的成功同样休戚相关和不可或缺;信仰的权利和总价的功能已然明智地排除在民事管辖的范围之外,故应避免加以丝毫的干涉;要维护旨在保障私人权利、人身权利和出版自由的其他有益规定的全部活力;政府开支要厉行节约;要通过光荣地清偿公债以调动公共资源;要把常备军事力量控制在必要的限度以内,应时刻牢记,一支训练有素的武装民兵便是所有共和国最坚强的堡垒,没有常备军,他们的自由决不至于陷入危险的境地,而庞大的武装则未必意味着安全;要采用合法的手段推动有利于农业制造业和国内外贸易的各项改进措施;要以同样方式支持科学的进步和知识的传播,此乃真正自由的最佳养份;要继续执行慈善计划,这些计划一直都在值得称道地实施,以改造我们的土著邻居,使他们摆脱野蛮生活的堕落和不幸,得以分享文明状态下人们在心灵和举止上所惯有的各种改善成果。以上种种想法和打算,只要有助于我完成使命,便是不会令我失望的一个源泉。

The liberty of the press for which Milton wrote the Areopagitica was the liberty to express an opinion.

密尔顿为新闻自由所写的《最高审判官》是指表达见解的自由。

Where blasphemous, immoral, treasonable, schismatical, seditious, or scandalous libels are punished by English law … the liberty of the press, properly understood, is by no means infringed or violated.

亵渎、不道德、谋反、分裂、煽动叛乱、或恶毒诽谤一概受英国法律惩罚,……按照正当理解,这绝没有侵犯或践踏新闻出版自由。

No inference is here intended that the laws provided by the States against false and defamatory publications should not be enforced; he who has time renders a service to public morals and public tranquility in reforming these abuses by the salutary coercions of the law; but the experiment is noted to prove that, since truth and reason have maintained their ground against false opinions in league with false facts, the press, confined to truth, needs no other legal restraint; the public judgment will correct false reasoning and opinions on a full hearing of all parties; and no other definite line can be drawn between the inestimable liberty of the press and its demoralizing licentiousness.

如果仍然有此规则无法限制的不恰之处,则须在公众舆论检查中寻找它的补充。现在我将要履行我的同胞再次召唤我的职责,并将要以他们所认可的那些原则的精神来履行。我无惧于任何可能使我迷途的利益目的;我没有感到任何能引诱我明知是离开公正之途的欲望,但是,人性的弱点和我自身感知的局限将会造成对你们利益有损的错误判断。

No inference is here intended, that the laws, provided by the State against false and defamatory publications, should not be enforced; he who has time, renders a service to public morals and public tranquillity, in reforming these abuses by the salutary coercions of the law; but the experiment is noted, to prove that, since truth and reason have maintained their ground against false opinions in league with false facts, the press, confined to truth, needs no other legal restraint; the public judgment will correct false reasonings and opinions, on a full hearing of all parties; and no other definite line can be drawn between the inestimable liberty of the press and its demoralizing licentiousness.

我在这里丝毫无意于推论说,各州所制定的打击造谣中伤的出版物的法律不应付诸实施,凡有时间的人都可以借助法律的有益的强制手段来革除这些流弊,从而对公众道德和社会安宁作出贡献;但人们注意到这些实验旨在证明,既然真理和理性向来都能维护自己的阵地以反击与捏造的事实联袂而行的妄断臆说,因而只要新闻界服庸真理,就不需要另外的法律约束;公众在全面听取有关各方的意见后,自会做出判断,对虚假的推理和观点加以匡正;而且,在新闻界难以估量的自由和卑鄙悖德的肆无忌惮之间,实际也无法划出一条确切的界限。

Prof Ewing has felt impelled to return to the charge in a new book (Bonfire of the Liberties, Oxford University Press) designed to document the growing contempt for civil liberty under New Labour, all too often rationalised by the supposed needs of state security.

尤因感到有必要在新书《自由的篝火》(Bonfire of the Liberties,牛津大学出版社)再次提出这个观点。该书的主旨是用资料证明新工党政府对公民自由的日益蔑视——这一蔑视往往因假想中的国家安全需求而被合理化了。

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